the manner of the publication *, the extravagance of the price, or the jumble and jargon of the moft wretched philofophy.. Mr. Grosman however has the modeft affurance to inform us;

That his view in this undertaking is, by adminiftring to the common good, to deserve well of the public; and to manifeft to all, who fhall make use of it, a really benevolent difpofition.' He adds,

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Let no one be offended, that in explaining and treating chymical fubjects, I generally ufe common and obvious expreffions; the very genius of chymiftry requires it; and I have endeavoured to deliver it in a ftyle fimple and clear, rather than affected, figurative, and involved.' Grofman can be fo little known to himself! Is it poffible that Mr. *This article may, poffibly, be thought misplaced among the foreign publications, as the book appears in our own language, and was printed in London; but we fuppofe it can be of no great confequence in what part of our collection it is inferted. Befides, as being the work of a foreigner, there can be no impropriety in its taking place with other articles of imported literature.

Ꮹ.

In fome parts we have a fuppofed Latin original without translation; in others only a tranflation and in others again both original and tranflation. Thus, by a fingular kind of contrivance, the book, or rather pamphlet, is eked out to the length of 106 pages, and throngh the abundant benevolence of a confcientious author, or more confcientious bookfeller, is advertised at

[Ten fhillings and fixpence, unbound.}

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Abrege Chronologique de l' Histoire D'Espagne et de Portugal, divisè en huit periodes: &c. That is, A Chronological Abridgement of the Hiftory of Spain and Portugal, divided into eight periods; with particular remarks, at the end of each period, upon the genius, manners, commerce, &c. of these monarchies, an Account of cotemporary Princes, learned Men, &c. Paris. Octavo. 2 vol. 1765.

N advertisement prefixed to this work informs us, that it was planned by the illuftrious Henault; that he is the Author of fome few paffages in it, but that not having time for fo extenfive an undertaking, he trufted the execution of it to fome men of letters, who had applied themfelves, under his eye, to this fpecies of compofition.

Such of our Readers as are acqainted with the Chronological Abridgement of the Hiftory of France, will readily entertain a very favourable opinion of any work that is planned by the Author of it, and written under his direction; and if they have a general APP. vol. xxxiv. acquaintance

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acquaintance with the hiftory of Spain and Portugal, they will be convinced by the perufal of the work now before us, that the perfons he has employed to abridge it, are well qualified for the tafk. They feem to have omitted nothing that is interefting, and have fhewn great fagacity in tracing events, manners, cuftoms, &c. to their fources. Their characters of Charles the Fifth and Philip the Second will," we flatter ourselves, be agreeable to our Readers.

Charles the Fifth, fay they, had a vaft, active, and enterprifing genius; he was brave in the field, and able in the cabinet; a fkilful general, and a profound politician. He knew men, and could make them fubfervient to his purposes; and as he was well acquainted with the genius and character of all the neighbouring nations, and could make them act in fuch a manner as beft fuited the views of his ambition, he aimed, like Ferdinand, at univerfal monarchy.

Charles reigned over twenty kingdoms, over extenfive provinces, whofe interefts he knew how to reconcile, and whofe infurrections he prevented, checked, or punished, employing gentle or violent meafures, according to the exigence of affairs. The difcoveries and conquefts of the Spaniards extended his dominion over the caft and weft of the old and the new world. His empire was four times as extenfive as that of antient Rome, and more than twice as large as that of the Turk, the King of Perfia, the Mufcovite, and the Tartar. The fun never fet upon his dominions.

This prince, the moft powerful of any that ever lived, was always in action. He over-ran Spain, Flanders, Germany, and Italy fucceffively; commanded his armies in perfon, and triumphed over his enemies; upon his return from the field, he prefided over the counfels of the nations that were fubject to his government; harangued his people; defended his own interefts and thofe of religion before the princes aflembled in the diets of the empire; and, influenced in the whole of his conduct by his ambition, he made his fubjects warriors and politicians.

He loved and encouraged the arts and fciences, but never rewarded agreeable talents, excepting in foreigners; he feemed to have adopted the maxim, after the example of the Romans, of referving to the Spaniards the honour of conquering and forgiving their enemies, and of leaving to other nations the glory arifing from parts and ingenuity. He encouraged artists and merchants to fettle in his empire, and being one day reproached with this by the Marquis of Aftorga, he replied; My nobles rob me, but commerce enriches me; the arts and feiences injiruet me, and make my name immortal.

It is well known that he paid frequent vifits to Titian, in order to fee him paint, and loaded him with honours and pre

fents.

fents. By thus honouring perfons of diftinguished abilities, he added a new title to his own character, and one is grieved to fee a prince, poffeffed of fuch noble qualities, and of fuch greatnefs of foul, facrifice every thing to his vanity, and employ fo little of his time, during the courfe of fo long a reign, in promoting the happiness of his fubjects. Ambitious, jealous, hypocritical, faithlefs, paffionate, revengeful, and terrible in his anger, he filled Europe with wars, with blood, and with calamity.

He had, in Francis the First, king of France, à rival who retarded his conquefts, and gave a check to his vaft projects. Charles attacked him vigoroufly, and triumphed over him by means of his generals, who took him prifoner; but he did not improve this opportunity of gaining over himfelf the most glo. rious of all his victories, that of generously restoring liberty to his illuftrious captive; on the contrary, he treated him harfaly, and made a traffic of his ranfom. He found much more generous fentiments in his enemy, when he put himself in his power, and went into his kingdom, where he received the honours due to fovereignty.

Charles loved glory like an ambitious prince, and a conqueror; Francis fought after it like a great king and a hero: Charles protected learning and the fciences out of oftentation; Francis honoured them, because he loved them: Charles governed like a politician; Francis reigned like a father. Both of them had abilities, courage, and zeal for religion, were magnificent, gallant, and the greateft men of the age they lived in: Charles had a larger thare of glory and power; Francis more real grandeur and refpect.

Charles's abdication and retreat have been admired and. blamed according to the point of view in which they have been confidered: but was it a mighty facrifice for an old infirm prince, glutted with honours, and fatigued with the weight of his own power, to lay afide a burthen that was too heavy for Him? He wanted to fee his fon act the fame part which he nimfelf had done with fo much fplendor. He wanted in his turn to be a quiet fpectator, after having been fo long in action, and after having received the applaufes of the univerfe.

It was this idle curiofity that made him order the pomp of his own funeral to be difplayed before his eyes; he placed himfelf under the pall, and fung the ufual prayers. The cold, with which he was seized during the celebration of this ceremony, haftened his end. It is alledged that he made his fon promife to restore Navarre. He made a will which Philip the Second carried to the inquifition, where it was taken into confideration, whether it fhould not be condemned to the flames.'

Such is the character our Authors give of Charles the Fifth what they fay of Philip the Second is as follows:

This prince was of a middling ftature, but well proportioned; he had a large forehead, blue eyes, a fteady look, and a grave and ferious air. His character was fevere and haughty; his zeal for the fupport of the faith and the catholic religion implacable; fo that with the utmost coolness and compofure he would have exterminated every heretic in his dominions. Never was there a prince who applied to bufinefs with greater affiduity; he entered into the minuteft detail in every branch of his administration; in his own chamber he fet all the fprings of the most cruel policy in motion, and wanted to act alone in every thing. He was impenetrable and diftruftful; full of revenge and diffimulation; ftuck at nothing to execute his fchemes; was never difcouraged by any obstruction in the course of his enterprizes; feemed fuperior to events; and received the news of good and bad fortune with the fame phlegmatic compofure. He was a cold fanatic; and never defired to infpire any other fentiment but that of terror. His orders were like the decrees of fate, which were to be executed independently of all human efforts., He made the blood of his fubjects flow in torrents; carried the horrors and devaftation of war into all the neighbouring states;, and was ever armed against his own people or his enemies. Even his own fon, when the only heir of his dominions, could not move his inflexible foul. Whenever an offence was committed, punishment was unavoidable. He never tafted the pleasure of forgiving; and, during a reign of forty two years, never enjoyed one day's peace. His minifters, his generals, his favourites, trembled when they approached him, and never spoke to him, but upon their knees, and with the most fearful circumfpection. The Duke of Alba, who had laid him under fo many obligations, entering his chamber one day without any previous notice, Philip looked at him with a threatening air, and said, What daring prefumption is this! it deferves the axe.

He was defirous that his fubjects, like himself, fhould have an air of ferioufnefs. The horrid tribunal of the inquifition was ever watchful to banish from his dominions that genuine joy which is the charm of liberty. This monarch was poffeffed of all thofe qualities which enter into the character of a great politician; he had a lively genius, an amazing memory, and indefatigable activity; he was an excellent judge of men, and knew how to employ them according to their feveral talents. He was juft, generous, and fplendid, in his court; of an enterprifing genius, and of unfhaken firmness in the execution of his defigns; but he forced the Low-countries into rebellion by his. untractable feverity; weakened his dominions by the expulfion of the Moors, and by his obftinacy in pursuing the malecon

tents;

tents; he employed his revenues and the treasures of the new world in gratifying his hatred and revenge; and the fruit of all his policy was nothing but mifery. He would have been richer, greater, more beloved, and more refpected, with lefs pains, fewer talents, and lefs genius, had he only been possessed of thofe mild and peaceful virtues which conftitute good kings and fathers of their country.

It is difficult, or rather impoffible, to give fuch extracts as fhall convey to the Reader a juft idea of a work of this kind; the above fpecimens, however, are fufficient, we apprehend, to give the difcerning Reader a favourable opinion of the genius and fpirit of our Authors.

R.

Traité de la Formation Mechanique des Langues, et des Principes Phyfiques de l'Etymologie. That is, A Treatife concerning the Mechanical Formation of Languages, and the Phyfical Principles of Etymology. Paris. 2 Vol. 12mo. 1765.

HOUGH abftract and metaphyfical difquifitions concern

Ting language are, to the generality of Readers, very dry

and uninterefting, yet they are certainly not without their use. Grammar and logic are more nearly connected than is generally imagined; and the origin and progrefs of language are not only effential and curious parts of the hiftory of the human mind, but throw light upon fame parts both of philofophy and history, which, at firft fight, feem to have little or no relation to them.

To a reader therefore of a philofophic turn, the treatise now before us will be highly acceptable. It is indeed a very curious one; contains many original and just observations; and though the Author advances feveral things in regard to the certainty and importance of etymology which a judicious reader will not readily affent to, yet what he fays, even upon this subject, is fo ingenious and plausible, that it is scarce poffible not to read it with pleasure.

In the preliminary difcourfe, we are told, that this treatife has been long known to a confiderable number of men of letters; that no little ufe has been made of it in the Encyclopedie; and that several modern authors have borrowed from it, whofe fubjects led them to treat either of the matter or form of language, or the philofophy of fpeech. The two firft of these points are what our Author principally confiders in the work now before us, and the method in which he proceeds, appears to us extremely juft and accurate.

He first defcribes the organ of the human voice, the number, form and action of each of the parts which compofe this wonderful inftrument; the order in which nature unfolds, and puts

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them