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Tach as it did afford, are made the most of, by this his anonymous Biographer : who has eked out the subject, and made himself amends for its barrenness, by anecdotes of other theatrical heroes (and some heroines too) collected from Cibber's and Victor's histories of the stage. Art. 21. Quin's Jefts; or the Facetious Man's Pocket-companion.
Containing' every Species of Wit, Humour, Repartee, &c. &c. 12mo. Is. 68. Bladon.
It is caftomary, on the demise of any genius, remarkable for wit or humour, for a certain class of compilers to publish Th. Jests of the said departed genius. Accordingly, Mr. Quin's Jests now make their appearance: ushered to the favourable notice of the public, by an introduction, in which the Editor assures his readers, that he has inserted nothing gross or indecent; nothing that might offend the chaftest or most delicate ear.'-The gentleman was himself, perhaps, too much a wit, to remember every thing contained in his collection. Or, posibly, his ideas of delicacy and chastity may have been somewhat over-charged, by feeding too plentifully on the high-seasoned rarities and luscious fragments that fell from the table of this celebrated voluptuary. Art. 22. An impartial View of English Agriculture, from permitting
the Exportation of Corn, in the Year 1663, to the present Time. 4to. IS. Kearfly.
No fact is more felf-evident (says this Writer) than that this country is entirely dependent on trade; which, in proportion to its increase, becomes of more importance to the state, and thould not be incumbered or restrained, but on the most mature consideration.—His professed defign is to set before the public, the advantages received from encouraging the exportation of corn, and the imminent danger of stopping a trade, to which we have been beholden for plenty, little less than a century.-The export-corn trade, is, he apprehends, the most valuable and beneficial trade we at present possess. It is all neat produce of this country, unalloyed with any foreign commodity.-Our ancestors, he says, hoped to procure plenty, by prohibiting the exportation of corn : but this,' by preventing the sale, discouraged the growth of grain, so that it operated diametrically opposite to their intention. In the year 1663, an'act was passed for permitting the exportation of corn, but incumbered with a heavy rate thereon. This was, in some measure, alleviated by another act in 1670 ; by which means, agriculture was promoted, and grain became more plentiful.—But what our Author calls the Magna Charta of English agriculture, was the act of Will. & Mary, by which a Bounty of 5s. for every quarter of wheat exported, is allowed, when that grain does not exceed 485. per quarter : and in proportion, for other sorts of grain. The success of these statutes may appear (he says) from this one circumstance, that although every other necessary of life is become twice, or thrice, the price of that time, yet corn is on the average not half the price.' For before the exportation was permitted, wheat has often been five pounds a quarter :' so that while no more was grown than for home consumption, one unfavourable feafon made a scarcity, two, a famine.
In the remainder of this pamphlet, the Author, (who is a frenuous defender of the necessity of continuing the bounty, in its utmolt latitude) brings a variety of arguments to shew the inexpediency of stopping the
e.xportation exportation of grain at this time: and concludes with observing, that the exportation has been for many years the support of the farmer ; that the poor labourer depends on it for bread; that it brings immense sums annuaily into the kingdom ; that, so far from being subject to famine, we have since been always blessed with plenty; and laftly, that the expor, tation is so interwoven with the whole system of husbandry, that an infringement of this privilege may endanger the whole.'
P. Art. 23. A candid Examination of a Pamphlet, entitled, An im
partial View of English Agriculture, from permitting the Exportation of Corn. 4to. is. Wilkie.
This is intended as an answer to the last article; though it is by no means so candid an examination thereof, as the title would imply. As to an affertion in the Impartial l'ieu, that' the export cornetrade is the most valuable and beneficial trade we at present pas ;' he does not deny it, but alledges, as the true reason thereof, that such quantities of corn have been exported with a Bounty, to support our rival manufacturers, that they have no longer occasion for any of our manufactures ; consequently our artizans want employment, and when employed, cannot earn money sufficient to buy bread for their families.'
The former very high price of grain, brought in the last article) as a proof of the great benefits now arising from a bounty upon exportation ; is accounted for, by this Writer, from the many intestine wars which have heretofore raged in this nation, from whence those who ploughed and Sowed the land, had but little prospect of a joyful reaping time. Thus the land was frequently turned into a waste, for want of useful industrious hands to manure and improve it.'- - A contrary cause, as he next obferves, may produce a contrary effect : and therefore he ascribes the great plenty of corn raised in this nation for a century past, rather to the in. jernal peace we have happily enjoyed, than to the bounty upon exportation.
He does not, however, venture to alert that this bounty was not a wife and falutary measure, at the time it was granted ; but, as we have now tried it seventy eight years, he wishes we might' try to do without i one year or two, or at least limit it to that living price, four and fixe pence a bushel, or thirty-fix shillings a quarter.' As this last proposal seems very rational, heariily wish it may be taken into consideration, by those who alone have the power to deterin:ne the point in dispute. We ourselves have heard farniers declare, that even four shillings a bushel for wheat
may be esteemed a living price ; where then would be the hard. ship of limiting the bounty as ab. ve proposed ? especially if a power of expoitation were fill allowed, after that, but without any bounty, till t'e price amounted to 485. per quarter ; and then absolutely to cease of $ uile? This we should think more equitable, for all sides, than to lay a tax upon the public, by way of bounty, when our own poor cannot Ju chale a bushel of wheat for less than fıx shillings :—før so far, at present, it is extended.
P. Art, 24: da Historical Account of the Life of Charles the Second,
King of Great Britain. After the Manner of Mr. Bayle. Drawn from original IVriters and State Papers. By William Harris, D.D. 8vo. 2 Vols.
Millar. We have given our Readers ample specimens of Dr. Harris's hiftorical
compilements, from his lives of the first James, the first Charles, and Oliver Cromwell. It may therefore, be now sufficient, if we barely apprize our Readers, that he proceeds on the same plan, animated by the same zeal for freec'om, and perfi-vering in the same laboricus method of producing evidence from the various writers who have borne tefti. mony to the misrule and tyranny of the Stuarts. He appears likewise, in this, as well as in his former publications, to have been favoured with some original, new materials, communicated by gentlemen, equally defirous with himself, of contributing towards the farther security of our liberties, by increating our abhorrence of arbitrary fway, from additional proofs of the cruel and wanton manner in which it was exercised by the Stuart-race, in proportion as their power of tyrannizing extended. Art, 25. Royal Mornings. From the French, Small 8vo.
No Bookseller's Name. We have here a translation of a little satirical piece, entitled, Marinées Royales. The King of Pruflia is represented (by fome anonymous Wit, who is most certainly no friend to that illullrious prince) as difcoursing to his nephew on the following topics, viz. the origin of his family, the manners of his subjects, religion, justice, politics, licerature, dress. pleasures, alliances, &c.
-The following short specimen will clearly few our Readers the Author's design, and give them a colerable idea of the manner in which it is executed.
• Religion is absolutely necessary in a ftate. This is a maxim which it would be madness to dispute ; and a king muit know very little of politics, indeed, that hould fuffer his subjects to make a bad use of it; but then it would not be very wise in a king to have any religion himself. Mark well, my dear nephew, what I here say to you; there is nothing that tyrannizes more over the head and heart than religion ; ben cause it neither agrees with our passions, nor with those great political views which a monarch ought to have. The true religion of a prince is his interest and his glory. He ought, by his royal station, to be difpensed from having any other. He may, indeed, preserve outwardly a fair occasional appearance, for the sake of amusing those who are about him, or who watch his motions and character.
• If he fears God, or, to speak as the priests and women do, if he fears Hell, like Lewis the XIVth, in his old age, he is ape to become timorous, childish, and fit for nothing but to be a Capuchin. If the point is to avail himself of a favourable moment for seizing a province, an army of devils, to defend it, present themse!ves to his imagination ; we are, on that supposition, weak enough to think it an injustice, and we proportion, in our conscience, the punishment to the crime. Should it be necessary to make a treaty with other powers, if we remember that we are Chriftians, we are undone, all will be over with us; we should be constantly bubbles. As to war, it is a trade, in which any the leait scruple would spoil every thing; and, indeed, what man of honour would ever make war, if he had not the sight to make rules that should authorise plunder, fire, and carnage ?
• I do not, however, mean, that one should make a proclamation of impiety and atheism ; but it is right to adapt one's thoughts to the rank one occupies. All the popes who had common sense, have held no principles of religion but what favoured their aggrandifement. It would be the filliest thing imaginable, if a prince was to confine himself to such
palery trifles as were contrived only for the common people. Befides, the best way for a prince to keep fanaticism out of his country, is for him to have the most cool indifference for religion. Believe me, dear nephew, that holy mother of ours has her little caprices, like any woman, and is commonly as unconstant. Attach yourself, then, dear nephew, to true philosophy, which is ever consolatory, luminoas, courageous, difpassionate, and inexhaustible as nature. You will then foon fee, that you will not have, in your kingdom, any material dispute about religion; for parties are neyer formed, but on the weakness of princes, or that of their ministers. There is one important reflexion I would with you to make; it is this ; your ancestors have, in this matter, conducted their operations with the greatest political dexterity; they introduced a réformation which gave them the air of apottles, at the same time that it was filling their purse. Such a revolution was, without doubt, the most reasonable that could ever happer, in such a point as this; but since there is now hardly any thing left to be got in that way; and that, in the prelent position of things, it would be dangerous to tread in their footsteps ; it is therefore even best to stick to toleration. Retain well, dear nephew, the principle I am now to inculcate to you; let it be your sule of government, that men are to worship the divinity in their own way; for, should you appear in the least negle&tful of this indulgence, all would be loft and undone, in your dominions. Have you a mind to know why my kingdom is composed of so many fects ? I will tell you : in certain provinces the calvinilts are in possession of all the offices and posts ; in others, the lutherans have the same advantage. There are some, where the catholics are so predominant, that the king can only send there one or two protestant deputies : and of all the ignorant and blind fanatics, I dare aver to you, that the papists are the most fiery and the moft atrocious. The priests in this senseless religion are untameable wild beasts, that preach up a blind submission to their wills, and exercise a complete despotism. They are affallins, robbers, violators of faith, and inex. pressibly ambitious. Mark but Rome! observe with what a stupid effrontery she dares arrogate to herself dominion over the princes of the earth! As to the jews, they are little vagrants ; poor devils, that at bottom are not so black as they are painted. Almost every where 'rebuffed, hated, and persecuted, they pay, with tolerable exactness, those who endure them, and take their revenge by bubbling all the fimpletons they can light on.'
The whole is written in the same strain ; there are several good strokes in it, but a writer of true genius and humour would possibly have exeCuted our Author's plan in a more masterly way.
R, THEATRICA L. Art. 26. Falstaff's Wedding, a Comedy, &c. The Second Edition. By Mr. Kenrick.
6d. Wilkie. Thi is reprinted, according to the fiift edition, mentioned in our last Month's Caialogue, p. 240. Art. 27. Falsaf's Wedding, a Comedy; as it is acted at the
Theatre Royal in Drury-Lane : being a Sequel to the Second Part of King Henry the Fourth. Written in Imitation of Shakeipcare. By W. Kenrick. 8vo. is. 6d. Davis, &c.
The above mentioned comedy, much altered by omitting the historical paits;—the king, loids, and commons, being all turned out, with as little
ceremony as were the members of the rump parliament, by Oliver Croma well. Thus reduced, and perhaps better adapted to the stage, Mr. Love, an actor of considerable merit, ventured on the part of Falstaff, for his own benefit ; and the performance, notwithstanding the boldness of the attempt, with respect both to the Author and the Player, was not ill received. A suitable prologue and epilogue were added, on this occasion : which are printed with this edition of the play.
• This performer was, however, no novice in the part, having before frequently played Shakespeare's Falstaff, with more success than any other who hath attempted it can juftly boalt, since Quin entertained the town with his inimitable exhibition of this very difficult and fingular character.
POETICAL. Art. 28. The Race. By Mercurius Spur, Efq; With Notes,
by Faustinus Scriblerus. The second Edition. With large Additions and Alterations. 4to. 25. 6d. Flexney.
We have heard that Mr. Mercurius Spur Esq;' hath objetied to the flight censure we passed on his first edition, because we gave no specimen of his poem, in support of the judgment we presumed to form of it. We Thall now, therefore, (partly in regard to this young Bard's complaint, and partly on account of his large additions and alterations,' and more especially because we really think there is considerable merit in his performance) proceed to a more particular account of it.
The subject and design of this poem, are thus explained by the bard himself:
The subject is, a Race.
To all the rhyming brethren of the quill
Since late her vot’ries in abusive lays
“ The chaplet and the victory should claim.” The proclamation thus issued, the several writers and scribblers of the age become candidates for the prize, and severally resort to the place appointed for the contest,
What does the Author mean by groom-porters ? There is fuch an officer at court, as the Groom-porter: bạt we never before heard of Newmarket groom-porters!