him to them, the events of the times would no means necessary to enter into an elaborprobably have done so. Possessed by the ate critique of his works, or to recapitulate ambition to distinguish himself and to rise, all the events of his life. As a writer M. he soon perceived that he could succeed Guizot is industrious, clever, and enterno other way, than by siding with the party taining: nothing more. He has no philosothat might be uppermost; to do which, phy of his own. He receives and reflects without incurring peculiar odium, it was ingeniously the colors and intellectual forms necessary to make profession of a political of the age. His views are the views of his creed susceptible of a double interpretation, contemporaries. His system, if he can be the one popular, the other anti-popular, ac- said to have one, is of the composite order, cording to the exigencies of the moment. made up of heterogeneous elements, united It has for this reason frequently been doubt- by an arbitrary act of the will, but sustainful whether M. Guizot was a Legitimist or ed by no single great principle. He does a Liberal; whether he was for the elder not even form a necessary part of the intelbranch of the Bourbons with or without lectual existence of these times. So that if the charter, or for the charter, in all its de- he and his works were taken away, blotted velopments, at any rate. Our opinion altogether out of the list of contemporary has always been, that M. Guizot was nei- entities, no chasm would appear, no loss ther for the one nor for the other, but would be felt. He does very well where simply for himself. He has in him noth- he is; but hundreds would do as well, maing of the passion or poetry of politics. ny would do much better. M. Guizot is It answers his purpose exceedingly well wholly incapable of taking an independent to seem to be a minister, by taking view of political positions. He does not exon himself the responsibility of another amine society as it is, and strike out originman's actions; by expounding to the cham- al measures to meet its necessities, and conber doctrines which he does not hold, as duct it towards something better. He falls the representative of an individual who into the pedantry of imitation, and is hauntcould not conveniently expound them there ed by the desire of producing political parhimself; by defending measures which he allelisms; of re-enacting, as it were, the did not originate, nay, which in secret he events of history, and impressing on occondemns as vain, or worthless, or prejudi- currences of the present day the image and cial to the best interests of France. M. superscription of the past. This indication Guizot is not endowed with a prolific mind: of mental poverty, however, is common to he gives birth to nothing. He only adopts him with most of his countrymen. Though the illegitimate offspring of others, and al- intensely jealous of our superiority,they have lows them, for a consideration, to assume done little, during the last hundred years, his family name and seem to be his. This, but study our history and literature, in order no doubt, is a proceeding which implies to discover models for copying. Our spirit some hardihood, some ingenuity, some pow- has accordingly been upon them, for good er of face. It is not every one that could or for evil, in all that they have achieved or stand up in the presence of a whole parlia- imagined during that period, whether they ment, and maintain contradictory proposi- have trodden ingenuously in our footsteps, tions with an equal show of reason; that or have flown off into eccentric or absurd could, by the speciousness of his sophistry, paths, in the vain hope of placing themobtain credit for conscientious patriotism, selves beyond the reach of that over-maswhile openly acting contrary to the declared tering influence, which Providence seems convictions of his whole life; that could es-to have decreed shall impart its distinguishtablish his reputation for pacific views and honorable intentions, while laboriously exciting national animosities, and giving daily proofs of reckless. Jesuitism and improbity. It is not every one, we say, that could accomplish this, and therefore we admit M. Guizot to be a shrewd man; a man capable of much calculation, a man familiar with all the prevailing arts of intrigue. What we mean to say is, that M. Guizot is neither a great nor an honest man.

To make good this proposition it is by

ing characteristic to modern society. M. Guizot, to do him justice, has scarcely sought to conceal the sources of his inspiration. We might almost say, perhaps, that he has somewhat too explicitly pointed them out; because, from his supposed familiarity with English history, English politics, and English literature, he has drawn upon himhimself the very unfounded suspicion of being friendly to this country. He has studied Great Britain, however, in the same spirit that Voltaire studied Christianity, and for

precisely the same purpose. His object will more especially refer, are of recent from the beginning has been to discover date and universal notoriety. We shall where we were most vulnerable, that he not pursue the stream of M. Guizot's might teach his countrymen to strike us achievements back through all the obscure there. But this, it may be said, is to pro- and tortuous mazes of its earlier course. nounce M. Guizot's eulogium, since it is We shall omit to mention his flight to his duty to promote, not the interests of Ghent, his intrigues under the government England, but those of France. Be it so of the Restoration, the pitiful part he playbut then follows the inquiry, whether he did ed during the Revolution of July. Nay, not overshoot his mark; since, instead of our charity induces us to pass over in creating among his countrymen generally silence much of his subsequent career. It the belief that he is inimical to Great Brit- would, indeed, be unfair to criticise with ain, which might go far to render him severity the fluctuations of the youthful popular, he has had the unskilfulness to and unformed statesman, the waverings of obtain credit for the feeling least calculated whose mind, like those of the magnetic to recommend him to the people of France. needle when its direction has been disturbThus vaulting ambition sometimes over-ed, may only indicate its anxiety to disleaps itself. But most things have two han-cover the polar principle to which it will dles. ever after point steadily. We take up M. This at least is the case with M. Guizot's Guizot at a period when his political inJesuitism. For if on the other side of the stincts may be supposed to have been channel it has curtailed his influence, and brought into subjection to his reason; exposed him to obloquy, it has produced when it was no longer permitted him to on this side the contrary effect, and pro- veer and shift, and betray tokens of undiscured for him the support of our Tory ad- ciplined impulses. In short, we come at once ministration, which, joined with that of to the year 1840, and the negotiations for a Louis Philippe, may be regarded as of far treaty between the five great powers of greater consequence than the applauses of Europe on the subject of the Right of the Parisian multitude. It is for the sake, Search. One of the motives by which therefore, of Lord Aberdeen and Sir Robert England was urged to desire this treaty, Peel, that we have engaged in the present was the conviction that it would place her investigation into M. Guizot's character. in a better position for operating upon the Had the Whigs remained in office, we reason of the United States, which had might have spared ourselves the trouble. hitherto refused to act cordially in conLord Palmerston understood the man tho-junction with us for the suppression of the roughly, had taken the exact dimensions of slave-trade. With the pride and obstinacy his mind, and was familiar with the whole sweep of his policy. He would not, we fancy, have given him credit for being the friend of England. He knew better the value of such phrases and professions; and it is only because our present rulers superabound in the milk of human kindness, and have foresworn Machiavelli, and adopted the maxim that frank credulity is the basis of all true statesmanship, that we undertake the task of unmasking M. Guizot. Our bowels yearn with compassion towards Lord Aberdeen when we behold him made the dupe of the wily Frenchman, when we behold this small Talleyrand of the Universities throwing dust into the eyes of the British minister, and when we observe that minister himself, in order to keep him in his place, retract his solemn declarations in Parliament, and perform exactly the contrary of what he voluntarily undertook to accomplish.

The transactions to which our remarks

which its citizens originally carried along with them across the Atlantic, the great American Republic refused to recognize the Right of Search from the idea that it would be derogatory to its dignity. It was believed, however, that if all the great powers of Europe were to come in and consent to act frankly together, and give proofs unequivocal that they considered it to be for their honor to yield to the instances of Great Britain in the cause of humanity, the United States also would follow in their wake, if not from any better motive, at least from the vanity of being included in the list of civilized and influential states. M. Guizot was of this opinion, and labored cheerfully and earnestly, in concurrence with our own minister, to bring to a successful issue the discussion on the celebrated treaty of '41.

Th necessity for this convention arose out of the limited sphere of operation secured by the Right of Search treaties of

1831 and 1833. By those treaties our But M. Guizot, either because he then cruisers were frequently hampered in the sincerely desired the suppression of the discharge of their duty. They could not slave-trade, or, which is more probable, pursue a slaver beyond the tenth degree of because he unconsciously acted under the latitude north or south, or more than influence of Lord Palmerston's genius, sixty leagues from the coast. Without vigorously combated the arguments of the these limits the most suspicious vessels Russian ambassador, and returned so fremight pass to and fro within sight, nay, quently to the charge, and reasoned with within hail. Under whatever flag they sail- so much subtlety, warmth, and cogency, ed they were sure of impunity. This was that after a resistance protracted for seva most vexatious state of things, which eral weeks, Count Brunnow yielded. This ought, it may be said, to have been fore- circumstance, considered in itself, is honseen by the framers of the former treaties. orable to M. Guizot. It proves him to But Lord Palmerston's object in 1831 and possess many of the qualities of a man of 1833, was not to alarm the prejudices of business. It is creditable to his diplomatic the continent by insisting on too much. eloquence, and it shows that, under certain He knew that having obtained the recog-conditions, he is far from being indifferent nition of the principle by France, it would to the sufferings of humanity. be much easier to extend the range of its The objections of Russia having been thus operation when experience should have overcome, no obstacle appeared to stand in proved that no practical evils of any im- the way of the signing and ratification of portance were likely to spring out of it. In the treaty. France entered heartily into 1840, therefore, considering that the time the business. Those evil influences which was come to give plenary execution to his afterwards swayed her resolution appeared great plan, he set on foot the negotiations to be wholly dormant. But there was for a new and vastly more comprehensive then, on the edge of the horizon, a small treaty. This time the Right of Search was speck, which was destined soon to spread to extend its influence along the whole of and darken this fair prospect. Every one the western and eastern coasts of Africa, will recollect the position in which the afand along the eastern coast of America fairs of the Levant were placed in 1840, from the Gulf of Mexico to Cape Horn. and the famous treaty concluded on the Russia at first felt considerable repug- 15th of July of that year. The ruling nance to concede to Great Britain, neces- mind of France may possibly, in secret, sarily the chief actor in all affairs taking have expected that, by giving way to Great place on the ocean, the power to overhaul, Britain in the matter of the Right of under any pretext, all the commercial na- Search, it might purchase her forbearance vies of the world. She herself had many in another quarter. Louis Philippe, in ships engaged in the fur and timber trades, conformity with certain views of policy, which would probably be often mistaken for which, without plunging deep into the slavers from the character of their build, affairs of the East, it is impossible to unand from the circumstance of their always derstand, was desirous, at the period rehaving scattered about them numbers of ferred to, of aggrandizing Mohammed Ali loose planks, spars, and other things calcu- at the expense of the Sultan, of securing to lated to expose a vessel to suspicion. For him the possession of Syria, and ultimately, these and for other reasons, Count Brun-it would seem, even the throne of Constannow felt considerable repugnance to enter tinople itself. What France expected to upon those negotiations. It was impossi- gain by this scheme, we may discuss some ble to foresee all the consequences that other time. Some prospect of advantage might flow from the act about to be she had, though M. Thiers, who acted as accomplished by the plenipotentiaries of Louis Philippe's minister at the time, prothe leading European powers. Certain tests he knew not what they were, or, vague apprehensions that somehow or knowing, regarded them as of far too little other Great Britain would reap all the ad- importance to justify the disturbance of the vantages of the measure disturbed him. peace of Europe. He, therefore, long held back. He desired that the treaty should be temporary, and regarded merely as an experiment. He suggested the term of ten years as long enough to give the scheme a fair trial.

However this may be, the treaty of 'uly, 1840, came, very inopportunely for the children of Africa, to disconcert the projects of Great Britain for their delive Here again M. Guizot was engaged, tough

ce.

far less to his credit as a man and as a di- country at his back. To any one reasonplomatist, than in the matter of the Right ing à priori, from the characters and abiliof Search. M. Thiers, then first minister ties of the men, the contest never could of France, has since, publicly, in the have appeared for one moment doubtful. Chamber, accused M. Guizot of having But fortune sometimes prides herself on played him false in the summer of 1840, of giving practical proofs that the race is not having designedly kept him in ignorance of always to the swift, or the battle to the the progress of the negotiations going on strong; and, therefore, by some perverse in London when he was ambassador, and concatenation of accidents, she might have that, too, for the dishonorable purpose of enabled the atrabilious Huguenot to trisupplanting him in the post of minister. umph over the first diplomatist of this age. For M. Guizot's honesty no sane man How far M. Guizot deserved to succeed, would undertake to answer. Intrigue and we shall presently see. Having sounded, hypocrisy are necessary to him. He rose in succession, all the foreign ambassadors, by them originally, and now, that they are and made use of all that mixture of coaxing less necessary, adheres to them, perhaps and menace, which in the hands of a man of out of habit, or gratitude. He hates M. genius, sometimes produces effects so wonThiers, and has always hated him. He must, derful, M. Guizot perceived that the influence therefore, when he saw him placed over his of Great Britain, in the hands of a diplomathead, have ardently desired his overthrow, ist worthy to wield it, was a thing difficult and been ready to co-operate with any one to be counteracted. He foresaw, or might who could bring it about. But in the have foreseen, the isolation in which transactions of 1840, which terminated in France was likely to be placed, by the dithe treaty of July, we doubt whether M. plomatic isolation in which he himself acGuizot's inaptitude for business did not tually stood. He was no longer permitted completely neutralize his malice. We to witness the secret agency by which a deshall give the history of his achievements, terminate direction was given to the great and leave the reader to judge. currents of European affairs. He stood The object, it will be remembered, of without the magic circle, and could disGreat Britain and the other parties to the cern nothing of the characters drawn withtreaty, was to preserve the integrity of the in it. He became irritated, fidgetty, and Ottoman empire, and France was formally perplexed. He sought to provoke to arguinvited to co-operate with Great Britain ment the leading members of the diploand her allies. Not that our foreign min-matic body, in the hope that in the intemister was ignorant of the intrigues which perate moments of discussion, they would the French had for some time been carry- drop something that might enable him to ing on in Egypt, but that it was not thought guess at their designs. But he found them proper to take notice of her underhand doings, which, however congenial to her character, it was believed she might not like to have brought under public notice. But Louis Philippe had formed his own theory of Levantine affairs, which he persuaded M. Thiers to seem, at least, to adopt, and instructed M. Guizot to act upon. His policy, as we have already said, was to sacrifice Turkey to Mohammed Ali, and, in the first instance, to gain over Lord Palmerston to these views; or, secondly, if that were found impracticable, to address himself to the representatives of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, and endeavor to prevail on them to co-operate with France in thwarting Great Britain. Here, then, we have M. Guizot pitted against Lord Palmerston. They had the same materials to work upon, the same tools, external to their minds, to work with. They entered upon the arena, each with the power of a great

impenetrable. The blunt bonhomie of Baron Bulow, the quiet taciturnity of Neumann, the stern volubility of Brunnow, and the easy, graceful frankness of Lord Palmerston, equally puzzled him.

Still there were circumstances which led him to think it probable that the designs of the British cabinet would be defeated. The soil of England, though not fertile in intriguers, yet produces, from time to time, a few who are active in proportion to the scantiness of their numbers. Into the hands of two or three of these M. Guizot fell in 1840. Their names we need not mention, though they are at present enjoying, in high and lucrative situations, the reward of the ignoble services which, at the period referred to, they were supposed to render their party. One of these, revolving perpetually like a satellite round M. Guizot, undertook to keep him exactly informed respecting the proceedings of the

parties engaged in negotiating the dreadedly, 'Well, is your roast roasted yet?' treaty. He affected to possess the mostNo,' answered Bulow, it takes a long certain sources of information, spoke of time to roast our roast.' The deputy-inhimself as a sort of second conscience to triguer then laughed in a way which signiLord Palmerston, and maintained, that to fied, I know that as well as you.' He the secret thoughts of all the other great then placed the fore-finger of his right hand diplomatists he knew the avenues. This on the baron's sleeve, and throwing at the was charming to M. Guizot; for, though same time a scrutinizing glance at his face, an industrious man, he was not unwilling said, Now tell me, upon the faith and to be relieved from some portion of the la- honor of a gentleman, have your new crebors of his office, especially as, in reality, dentials arrived?' The Prussian diplohe found that his voluntary coadjutor did, matist, with the greatest possible frankness from time to time, bring him important in- and simplicity, replied at once, They telligence. The great object of the French have not.' Thank you,' rejoined his inambassador was, of course, to prevent alto- terrogator, 'that is all I want to know;' gether, if possible, the conclusion of the and, bidding him good morning, hastened treaty; or, failing in that, to protract the to report to the arch-intriguer the important discussions, and postpone its signature, till discovery he had made. it should be too late to undertake operations that year on the coast of Syria. An important event, which happened in the midst of the negotiations, promised the accomplishment of his most ardent wishes. This was the death of the King of Prussia, upon which the intriguer already mentioned hastened to M. Guizot, and said, "The game is ours! It is impossible that the signature of the treaty should now take place in time to commence operations this year.' 'How so?' inquired the French

This intelligence, immediately conveyed to M. Guizot, completely tranquillized his mind. He felt satisfied that no progress could, for some time at least, be made towards the conclusion of the treaty, and, repairing to the residence of one of the diplomatists, he artfully gave vent to the feelings of triumph that filled his mind. He affected to compassionate the extreme slowness of their movements, and said they would be far less likely to compromise the peace of Europe if they acted with a little more We must preface the reply of the promptitude. Otherwise, unpleasant events intriguer by a brief explanation. When a might occur, which would not only frustrate sovereign dies, his plenipotentiaries at for- their designs, but occasion them much eign courts lose their powers, and are future embarrassment. Having delivered treated as ambassadors only by courtesy. himself of this political homily, he forthThey can negotiate nothing, they can sign with returned home, and forwarded a desnothing, unless at their own proper peril. patch to his government. This document Now, Baron Bulow, the Prussian ambassa- M. Guizot designed to be a masterpiece. dor, was not a man to volunteer his respon- It was intended to create in the mind of the sibility, and the intriguer positively main- French Cabinet, the belief that the conclutained that his new credentials had not ar- sion of the treaty was imminent, that he rived. This was the fact insisted on, in might afterwards take credit to himself for his reply to M. Guizot. I tell you,' said having overcome the most formidable obhe, that Bulow is placed hors de combat, stacles. But if such was his object, he so that you may make yourself perfectly failed completely; for, though the obvious easy.' That I can't do,' rejoined the di- meaning of the language employed was plomatist, until we are assured of the fact such as we have stated, M. Thiers thought you state from the baron's own mouth. In it susceptible of a different interpretation, grave, serious affairs like these, we must and, in fact, detected the arrière pensée of not act upon hearsay. Could you not his ambassador. The French Cabinet, sound him?' 'Why, not exactly,' observed therefore, participated in the confidence of the intriguer; but,' and here he paused, M. Guizot, and enjoyed, by anticipation, and placed his hand upon his diplomatic the extreme pleasure of outwitting Great brow; but I think we have a friend who can manage this business for us.' The deputy-intriguer, accordingly, by accident, met Baron Bulow, to whom he was well known, and, addressing him in German, and using the national idiom, said careless

Britain. Every thing now was supposed to depend on the arrival of a courier from Berlin with the fate of the East in his bags. None, however, arrived; and, therefore, up to the very morning of the 15th of July, M. Guizot and his friend the intriguer, contin