runt. Simul enim metuebant, ne plurimi civium suorum, bonitate insulæ allecti, eo commigrarent. Simul enim contra subitos fortunæ casus, si exitiosum Respublica Carthaginiensium forte damnum acciperet, refugium sibi paratum esse volebant." From these last quoted passages, we learn that the Carthaginians, who were acquainted with this transatlantic country, wished to conceal its situation, not only from a fear that their citizens would emigrate thither on account of the superior advantages of the climate, &c. but also that they might secure a safe retreat in the event of an unsuccessful war. And this may lead us to account for the idea that this country was lost in the ocean; for those, who sought for it, not being able to discover it from the imperfect state of navigation, imagined it lost, and those, who wished its situation to be concealed, did not contradict them. A further testimony to the existence of land at a great distance from the western coast of Africa, may be seen in Pliny, Nat. Hist. ch. xxxi.-And for the opinion of modern writers on the subject of this paper, I refer to Erasmus Smidius Diss. de America, at the end of his edition of Pindar, to the note of Perizonius on Ælian, Var. His. Lib. iii. 18. Bochart Geo. Sacra, and Huet on the Commerce of the Ancients. What I have adduced from the ancient writers, is for the purpose of showing that it is probable they had some knowledge of the situation of America: the two following references will show that there actually was some intercourse between the eastern and western world: Abram. Ortelius Theatrum Orbis, "Sunt qui hanc continentem (Americam scil.) a Platone sub nomine Atlantis descriptam, opinentur; inquitque Marinæus Siculus in Chronico suo Hispaniæ, hic nummum antiquum Augusti Cæsaris effigie insignitum in aurifodinis inventum esse, missumque in rei veri tatem summo Pontifici per D. Johannem Rufum Archiepiscopum Consentinum." In Basnage's History of the Jews, we are told that the Spaniards found in one of the Azores, a tomb with a Jewish inscription. See Book vii. ch. xxxiii. If all that has been adduced be deemed sufficient proof that there existed among the ancients a tradition of a transatlantic continent, we can easily account for the following passage in Seneca's Medea: venient annis Secula seris, quibus Oceanus Ultima Thule. But if it be contended that no such tradition did exist, and that all the references to Atlantic Islands are grounded on Fables, then we "must be surprised into a belief that this passage in Seneca was something more than a poetical fancy; and that heaven had indeed revealed to one favored Spaniard, what it had decreed in due time to accomplish by another." See Bp. Hurd, on Prophecy, Sermon iv. In the Memoires of the French National Institute for 1806, there is an account of a Map, preserved in St. Mark's Library at Venice, made by Andrew Bianco, in the year 1436, which delineates the situation of a large island in the Atlantic, named Antillia. Α Plate of this Map is given, and it is adduced as a proof that the Atlantic Ocean had been traversed before Columbus passed it. D Ireland. G. H. NOTICE OF ANIMADVERSIONES IN HYMNOS HOMERICOS cum Prolegomenis de cujusque Consilio, Partibus, Etute, auctore Aug. Matthiæ, Lipsia, pp. 462. Octavo. 1800. MATTHIE informs us in the Preface, that of the three "Parisienses Codices," which Coray has collated, only two had been examined by Ruhnken, and that in his Tribus Codicibus etiam plures lectiones non contemnendæ repertæ sunt, a Ruhnkenio omissæ." Matthiæ has, in these animadversions, availed himself of the aid, which is supplied by them to settle the text of these Hymns. Mitscherlich himself collated, and gave to Matthiæ a most careful collation of the "Codex Moscoviensis," after he had renounced his intention of editing the Homeric Hymns. Ruhnken had promised to furnish Matthiæ with such Notes, as he had prepared after the example of the Hymnus in Cererem, and the Epistolæ critica, published by him, or happened to have amongst his other MSS., and therefore Matthiæ applied to Wyttenbach, to whose care the books, and the other property, of Ruhnken had been intrusted on his death. Wyttenbach examined the MSS. of Ruhnken, and forwarded whatever he found on this subject to Matthiæ, who has inserted them in their proper places, but regrets that they are few in number. We shall, but on another occasion, be at the pains of collecting them together, and shall lay them before our readers. Matthiæ says that, as he had seen the Latin Version of the Homeric Hymns by Georgius Dartona Cretensis, mentioned by Ruhnken, tanquam eam, quæ Codicis loco esse possit, hanc etiam consulendam duxi, si quid forte ad hymnorum lectionem melius constituendam ex ea lucrari possem: usus autem sum editione, quæ cum Andreæ Divi Justinopolitani versione Odyssea prodiit Salingiæi 1540. 8. (prima editio prodiit Venet. 11. Tom. 1537.): est ea versio vulgata, ceterum ab editoribus hic illic emendata ac mutata, prout textus poscebat." (p. 13.) The scholar will find in Matthiæ's own Notes some most excellent remarks, both critical, and explanatory, on these Hymns, and much valuable matter on the recondite and rare meanings of different words, given with great perspicuity, accuracy, and erudition. We shall at present touch only on two or three remarks of Matthiæ. The elaborate Prolegomena extend through 106 pages. The Hymnus in Apollinem v. 25-8. ἑκάτερθε δὲ κῦμα κελαινὸν ἐξῄει χέρσονδε λιγυπνοίοις ἀνέμοισιν, Matthiæ writes thus: "Locum in litore et quidem ubi terra in mare procurrit, designant sequentia, ἑκάτερθε κῦμα κελαινὸν ἐξῄει χέρσονδε : jejuna est hæc loci descriptio; elegantior poeta fortasse dixerit, ixérigée dè κῦμα κ. Εξαινε χέρσον γε λ. α. unda terram ccedebat, v. Ruhnk. Εp. Crit. II. p. 151.: tamen ea in nostro poeta non offendor." (p. 113.) There would be an air of great probability in this conjecture, if it were not for the substitution of yɛ, xigrov ye, the use of which particle is not apparent in this place. The following extract will, however, sufficiently vindicate such an application of the word ei: "LXV. ν. 4. lego ἁλιξάντους τε παρ' ἀκτώς, Suidas in v. άλιξάντοις, ταῖς ὑπὸ τῆς áλòs Eirouvais, Archias Ep. xxx. Anal. T. 1. p. 100. de delphino, ἡ γὰρ ἴσον πρηώνι Μαλένης, ὡς ἐκυκήθη, hic Codex κύμα πολυξέντους σ' ὦσεν ἐπὶ ψαμάθους : unovs exhibet, quod Toupius Emend. in Suid. P. III. p. 375. mutavit in Tohužάvrous: recte ! Ovid. Met. L. II. 455. Nacta nemus gelidum, de quo cum murmure labens mihi epitheton toλigarros non rupibus solum, quas unda verberando excavat, sed litoris etiam arenæ, fluctibus attrita, satis accommodatum videtur, qua de re aliter statuit Jacobs. Animador. V. II. P. I. p. 270." Imm. G. Huscke's Analecta Critica in Anthologiam Grae eam, Jenæ et Lipsia, 1800. p. 297. On the H. in Apoll. v. 94. ́ Ιχναίη τε Θέμις, καὶ ἀγάστονος ̓Αμφιτρίτη, Matthiæ has a most excellent note, to which we beg leave to direct the attention of our readers: "'Ivaín és, Strabo ix. p. 435. taūta d' ἐστὶ τῆς Θετταλιώτιδος, μιᾶς τῶν τεσσάρων μερίδων τῆς ὅλης Θετταλίας – καὶ Ἴχναι, ὅτου ἡ Θέμις Ιχναία τιμᾶται, cf. Steph. Βyz. v. Ιχναι, Tzetz. ad Lycophr. v. 129. τῆς θ ̓ Ηλίου θυγατρὸς Ιχναίας βραβεὺς, Eurip. Med. 169. Ośμm 'Ixvainv ißota, ut ibi corr. Ruhnk. pro EixTalav probarte Piersono ad Marin, p. 137. sq., sed vereor, ne nimis docta, fortasse etiam a poetæ nostri ætate remota sit derivatio epitheti a Thessaliæ urbe; potius Themidem hoc cognomen ¿ãò roũ ixvoda, quia sceleratos investigat et persequitur, tanquam justitiæ dea, duxisse putem; nam ita vocatur etiam Néμers in Diodoti Epigrammate ap. Brunck. Anal. T. 1. p. 180. v. Αδρηστεία τε δια καὶ Ἰχναίη σε φυλάσσοι παρθένος, ἢ πολλοὺς ψευσαμένη Νέμεσις : de diis ultoribus scelerum sæpe nga et similia usurpantur: Eurip. Bacch. 888. κρυπτεύουσι δὲ ποικίλως Δαρὸν χρόνου πόδα, καὶ Θηρώσιν τὸν Tov, ad quem locum Jacobs Emend. in Eurip. p. 8. fin. laudat Philonem Jud. de Mose, 1. p. 96. ń yàg xódaris Êxquévn xar' "xvos, peɛdλόντων μὲν ἐβράδυνε, πρὸς δὲ ἀδικήματα θεόντας ἐπιδραμοῦσα καταλαμ Bava: hinc Eurip. Helen. 50. ὁ δ ̓ ἄθλιος πόσις τὰς ἐμᾶς ἀναςTayàs Onga, i. e. persequitur, ulcisci cupiens, cf. Æsch. Agam. 7.04. πολύανδροί τε φερασπίδες Κυναγοὶ κατ ̓ ἴχνος Πλατᾶν ἄφαντον Κελσάντων Zuberos antás: ita ap. Æsch. Eum. 226. Erinnys loquitur, iyà d— Méreiμi róvde Qŵta nai zvvnyśtis, Choeph. 921. Erinnyes pœnas pro matris cæde ab Oreste repetentes vocantur μητρὸς ἔγκοτοι κύνες.” (p. 127.) Now we are decidedly agreed with Matthiæ in deriving Themis's surname of 'Ixvain not so much from a Thessalian city, as from the verb, “¿ñò toũ ¡xvãoda, quia sceleratos investigat et persequitur, tanquam justitiæ dea," notwithstanding the authority of Ruhnken; and the passage, which Matthiæ has produced from an epigram of Diodotus, where the same epithet is applied to Nemesis, strongly corroborates our idea: for Nemesis is, as we presume, not called Niueris 'Ixvain from the circumstance of her having been worshipped at the Thessalian city, "Ixval. If we suppose, with Ruhnken and Pierson, that Euripides, in the disputed passage of the Medea, applied the epithet xin to us allusively to her worship at "Ixva, it is a mere idle epithet, but, if we suppose with Matthiæ that it is an epithet applied to the Goddess in her judicial capacity ἀπὸ τοῦ ἰχνᾶσθαι, it adds greatly to the force, strictly accords with the context, and harmonizes perfectly with the spirit of the passage. κλύεθ ̓ οἷα λέγει, καπιβοᾶται Θέμιν Ιχναίαν, Ζῆνά θ', ὃς όρκων θνατοῖς ταμίας νενόμισται. The epithet to Themis corresponds precisely with what is said of Jupiter, and if we retain the original reading six raiav, this correspondence is destroyed, and the passage is unnerved of its vigor. We feel persuaded that, if these remarks should meet the eye of that sensible, learned, and ingenious scholar, Imm. G. Huscke, he will be disposed to change his opinion on this point: he writes thus in the 133d page of the Analecta critica in Anthologiam Græcam: "Imprimis notandum est hoc deos ipsos, quibus vota faciunt homines, passim dici sixtαious, ut Themis ap. Eurip. Med. 168.: Ruhnken. corrigebat Op 'Ixvaiar: vide Pierson. ad Marin, p. 137.: Jacobs. Oμw 'Avtalav, Animadvv. in Epigr. V. II. P. I. p. 365., sed nihil videtur mutandum: de Luna, Hesychius v. Οὐρανίη δ' αιξ—ἐπήκοος δέ ἐστιν αὐτὴ ἴσως, ὅτι καὶ ἐνίους ἡ σελήνη τῇ αἰγὶ ἐποχεῖται· ταύτῃ δὲ τὰ γύναια εύχετο διὰ τὸ καὶ αὐτὴν ἐπὶ τῷ Ενδυμίωνι τὰ αὐτὰ παθεῖν· ὅθεν καὶ Εὐκταίαν φασὶν αὐτὴν ἔνιοι : in Ep. xxIt. Antipatri Thessalonicensis vulgo legitur, αἱ τρεῖς ἀσταὶ ἔσαν καὶ ἑταιρίδες· ἀλλὰ τυχοῦσαι Κύπριδος εὐκρήτου, νῦν ἑνός εἰσι μία, reposuit Brunck. Kúngidos tuxtains, ad sensum egregie: hanc lectionem, notatam quoque in Cod. Vatic. unice veram habeo." On the H. in Apoll. v. 36. λεῖπε δὲ θυμὸν φοινὸν ἀποπνείουσ'. On an interesting passage we have a very important Note, which we shall cite: "Dictio i upor non Homerica visa est Clarkio et Ruhnkenio, at, si non Homerica, Græca tamen est, et defendi potest loco Pindari Pyth. III. 180. róžois úñò Yuxùv Av. Virg. Æn. III. 140. Linquebant dulces animas, Terent. Ad. III. 5, 52. Animam relinquam ; quod vero Ruhnken. reponendum censet, λεῖβε δὲ φοινὸν Θυμὸν ἀποπνείουσ', id valde vereor, ut ulli probet (etsi Ovpor añoжviar, Homericum, v. Il. ', 524. Apollon. Rh. IV. 472. quem locum ipse margini exempli sui allevit) quandoquidem et Porròr per se sine adjuncto aiua, fundere sanguinem (quamvis aina heißeolar effundi dicitur Hesiod. Asp. 174.) de moriente vix usurpatur: furior Povor, sanguinolentam animam accipio, etsi pro hoc apud Homerum est poirios: ut deporròs apud Homerum Il. B', 308. x', 23. x', 474. |