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there are, however, several articles which vances to the royal family, though satisI feel it incumbent on me to advert to. factory reasons can be given for them. I In page 52 it will appear, that part of the can state with truth to the House, that debt is the debt under the first class, under the pressure and difficulty which including the debts incurred by the queen, existed with regard to the state of his on account of the younger branches of majesty's household and civil list, I conher family. When it is considered what ceive his majesty's ministers would have is the number and time of life of the been little less than criminal if they had younger branches of the royal family, and not adopted some method of relief. 1 am that the expense on their account falls unwilling to enter into particulars, unless exclusively on the queen, it will be no called upon; but I am prepared. His small matter of astonishment that the debt majesty's ministers had no alternative beshould have amounted to no more than a tween the one they have adopted, and the sum of 28,6344. A very large portion of criminality of exposing his majesty to inthis arose upon the marriage of the prince convenience and difficulty.-The chanof Wales. In the same page will be found cellor of the exchequer then went over all a charge for the princess Charlotte. It the items of which the arrears now stand. is made to commence in 1797, though it ing are composed, the amount of which was not advanced till a later period. I was 990,0537., a sum which, he said, it am sure it will be felt by the committee, was impossible to contemplate without that it is quite impossible the expense of regret; but he had stated how a large supporting the princess Charlotte should portion of it had been created; no part be borne by the prince of Wales, consi-of it was owing to profusion, none of it dering the restrictions to which he is sub-had been corruptly employed, and it ap ject by the act of parliament for arranging the liquidation of his debts. It will, perhaps, be for the committee to say, whether it is not a charge that ought to be taken from the civil list altogether, and thrown on the consolidated fund? It is a charge that cannot be borne by the prince of Wales, and ought not to be imposed upon his majesty. I beg the attention of the committee to pages 39 and 40, referring to the pensions to the late ministers at foreign courts. I am well aware that some farther information is necessary. Ample information will be given; and, whatever deficiency there may be in mine, will be supplied by my noble friend near me. I will observe that, with regard to foreign ministers resident, it has been universally admitted, that the estimate made in 1786 was insufficient. The pensions of the late ministers at foreign courts have increased considerably within the last two years; yet notwithstanding the increase which has taken place within the last two years is so considerable, the actual increase in the last sixteen years amounts to no more than 129,643. There is another branch which falls under the head of Occasional Payments. The committee perceiving there was an error of 20,000. thought it right to avail themselves of the information contained in the book required to be kept by Mr. Burke's bill. In page 46 of the Report will be found the amount of royal bounties. It is not my intention to observe on the ad

peared from the report what a vast por-
tion of the whole of this went to the
necessary purposes of the civil govern
ment, and was not at all appropriated,
as some had most erroneously supposed,
for his majesty's personal use, or for his
own household establishment. Now, he
would ask any gentleman in the com-
mittee, if any there were, who were dis-
posed to advert to the amount of the pre-
sent deficiency, to compare it with those
former aids of the civil list, to which he
had adverted in the early part of his ob-
servations to the committee, to com-
pare the advance made in the expen-
diture under the various heads of the
report, on the subject of the civil list,
and then to see whether there was to be
found in any part of the expenditure the
character of profusion? Had we seen any
thing but what was to be esteemed a
necessary splendor on the part of the
royal family?-Certainly none.
seen one sort of abundance on the part
the chief magistrate of the community in
which we had the happiness to live.
Every virtue that belonged to that cha-
racter abounded in him; but with respect
to outward splendor, the loyal feelings
of the people would have gone much
further, if desired, than they had hitherto
been called upon to do; and he would
venture to say, that the people had rather
been disappointed for want of more, than
satiated with too much of that splendor.
The sum advanced for the discharge of

We had

of

the arrears of the civil list for the same | Now, although it was not his intention to period, in another reign, was more than propose any permanent addition now to was now required. And he wished to the civil list, yet he had no difficulty in know, whether there was any reason for saying it would, in the present condition supposing that, although 1,400,000l. were of things, be impossible to maintain, withjustly granted at a former period, there out further aid, the necessary splendor ought not to be 900,000l. granted now? of the Crown, and to support the necesFor his part, comparing the present with sary expenditure of the royal family; and the former time, and that when the last therefore, he hoped, that some relief aid was granted, and the unavoidable ex- would be afforded to the civil list herepenses in the interim, of which every indi- after, by taking away from it some charges vidual of condition in this country felt the which at present bore, and which, in his force, in his own and his family expenses, opinion, did not belong to it, and laying he thought the present arrears extremely them on the consolidated fund. Several moderate, that it gave full proof of re- heads of charges now upon the civil list, markable frugality; that the economy was and which had been so during the war, very great; for which reason he trusted might with propriety be charged on the there would be no opposition to the reso-consolidated fund, and which charges were lution, with which he should have the very heavy and enormous on his majesty's honour of concluding. He had no hesi- civil list revenue during the war. The actation in saying, that, according to his count of all which should be laid before opinion, the augmentation for the younger them: and after such accounts were laid branches of the royal family, or advances before the House, he hoped the subject made to them, should not in future be would be brought forward again for dischargeable on the civil list, but on the cussion, for which he should be perfectly consolidated fund, of which however par- ready. He thought it was unnecessary liament were to judge. If the House for him to trouble the committee any furadopted the resolution which he should ther, for the present; he was thankful for have the honour of moving, the expense the indulgence he had met in the course in the first instance would fall on the of what he had delivered before the compeople; there was, however, a circum- mittce, some parts of which were naturally stance to be attended to in that particular. dry and unengaging, and, he was afraid The committee would recollect that he rendered more so from the manner in expressed a hope, on a former occasion, which it had been treated by him. He that there would be some means of a should now conclude with moving, "That diminution of the burthens of the people it is the opinion of this committee, that a by the sale of the crown lands in the West sum not exceeding 990,0531. be granted Indies, St. Vincent, &c. that was not, to his majesty, to discharge arrears and however, to be provided for at this mo- debts due and owing on the civil list, on ment, but might become matter for future the 5th of January, 1802." discussion; but he begged to be understood, as being most clearly of opinion, that without any reference to such resources as that to which he had now hinted, and if there had been no hope of any such resource, the payment of the present arrears of the civil list would be matter of unquestionable propriety, and such as would become the wisdom of parliament to provide for. The subject therefore of these resources from the West Indies, was fit matter for a separate and distinct discussion. The civil list arrears ought, in his opinion, to be paid off without taking that matter into consideration at all. He was well convinced that if there were no resources, but such as he had hinted at, parliament would find them abundant, in the good sense, the justice, and the loyalty of the people of England.

Mr. Fox rose and said:-Sir, there is no man in this House less disposed than I feel myself, at any time, to find fault with such measures as may be conducive to the comfort, the splendor, and the dignity of every branch of the royal family; and particularly what may tend to the ease and happiness of the chief magistrate of the state, as far as I can reconcile such proceedings to the duty I owe to my own constituents in particular, and the general interests of the country. If it could be supposed that humour or temper were to govern any part of this discussion, the present is a moment in which I could have little disposition to indulge them. I have not been more than about four hours in town; and, since leaving my carriage, have heard of two articles of news than which I know of

and the country provide for all the expences (and God knows they have been severe enough lately!) of our fleets and armies, the revenues allotted to the crown must necessarily be at the disposition, and subject to the control of parliament. It would be a strange and absurd doctrine indeed, to maintain that the public should take upon itself all the expense, and leave the revenue precisely as it was before: such a doctrine is too monstrous to have met with any support even in the worst of times. Fortunately for us, some of our kings have been too improvident, by which they outran their incomes.

nothing of a public nature that could be niore grateful to my feelings. The first is that in which every man, wishing well to his country, must rejoice, I mean the conclusion of the definitive treaty of peace with France; and the second, that it is the intention of the minister to move for the repeal of the income-tax,-a tax the most oppressive, pernicious, and vexatious, that ever was imposed in any country; and tending more than any other to subvert that respect in which a good government ought always to be held by the people, and without which there can be very little security for its subsisting for any length of time. This, how- In treating of this question I do not ever, is a subject which is by no means wish to be severe; but I understand, connected with good or ill humour, and that so much stress has lately been made is solely dependent on what is consistent on the claims which some persons suppose with our attachment to the throne, a the crown ought still to have upon a part proper view to the laws of the land, and at least, if not the whole of the old here the sacred principles of the British con- ditary revenue, that I cannot withhold stitution. However I may have been in- expressing briefly my opinion on that structed or entertained by the right hon. subject. Were we now to allow the here gentleman, in the history he has given us ditary revenue to be the same as it was in of the civil list during the last century, I former times, surely no gentleman could do not conceive it to have been precisely possibly say that it should be applied to in point, or to bear strongly on the present the purposes of the civil list only. I question. My ideas upon that subject admit that the revenue of James 2nd was differ vastly from those which have been two millions annually; but I believe no brought forward in this committee; nor one will venture to assert that it was can I conceive how any thing respecting granted only for civil-list purposes. From the revenues of the crown previously the time, however, that parliament exoto the Revolution, has more analogy to nerated the crown (for that is the fact) the present civil list than what may be from the expense of Jevying and sup drawn from the remotest antiquity. The porting fleets and armies, from that morevenues of the crown before the event ment the hereditary revenues became the alluded to, compared with the present property of the public. It was so undercivil list, was as gold to silver. The stood, and so expressed on the election king certainly possessed immense reve- of William 3rd. He could hold no herenues in former times, totally independent ditary revenue jure coronæ, for he was of parliament: but for this revenue, what not the heir to the crown when he suc had he to do? He was to raise and main-ceeded James 2nd. I am aware that a great tain fleets and armies in times of war, as misunderstanding prevailed upon this well as in peace. It was no private in- subject, and perhaps continues to precome of his own, as an individual, but avail; but we are not now infected with trust from the public. It is very true, the superstitious notions imbibed by some that such revenue was not adequate to persons of that day. We know that meet extraordinary occasions; and though William 3rd ascended the throne, not by the monarch was bound, at his own ex- right, but by the choice and election of pence, to defend the country, and main- the people, and therefore had no rights tain the expenses of wars, as well as civil jure corona, nor any other rights but such government, in cases of necessity he ap-as had been covenanted, So of George 3rd. plied to parliament for assistance. Whether that mode was preferable to that which has been since adopted, is a question not worth discussing at this moment; but I am free to confess, that I am a strong advocate in favour of the modern system. Now, however, that the House

He is not the heir of James 2nd, but of William 3rd; nor has he any right to this hereditary revenue, unless we go back to the ancient and absolute rights of prescription. What did the parliament of William 3rd do? Instead of the heredi tary revenue, they appropriated others for

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the civil list, to the amount of 700,000. a year; and should they exceed that sum, the surplus was to be at the disposal of parliament. From the sum of 700,000l. they deducted 370,000l. for public services; decreed that the crown revenues should be under their own control; and came to what I consider to have been a wise and salutary resolution, of granting it to him for life. The same practice has since been uniformly adopted at the commencement of every reign. I know perfectly well that there has been much difference of opinion on the question, whether it would not be better to make these grants of annual revenue from time to time. This doubt so far operated in the parliament of king William, that the provision was at first made temporary, but it was afterwards thought expedient that the provision should be for life. The same line of conduct was pursued on the accession of queen Anne, and has been followed up in all the succeeding reigns. The right hon. gentleman has anticipated the answer which might be given to some parts of his statement. I know that it has been a mistake made, not by lawyers or other well-informed persons, but by courtiers, that the hereditary revenue formed only a part of the revenue of the crown. From general recollection also (for I have not lately had much access to the Journals) I think that in the reign of queen Anne an application was made to parliament in aid of the civil list, at a time when 800,000l. had been expended, though the grant was no more than 700,000l. Great stress has been laid on the expenses his majesty has been put to in consequence of his family; but let it be remembered, that there were equal incumbrances in the reign of George 1st; that in the reign of George 2nd annuities to the duke of Cumberland, the princess Amelia, and the dowager princess of Wales, were charged upon the civil list to the amount of 100,000l. which, out of the grant of 700,000l., left only 600,000l. of actual revenue. It is true, that in that reign there were three applications to parliament for relieving the civil list; but I believe, and think I may say with some confidence, that the relief was effected by a two-penny tax on all pensions and salaries, which was, in fact, a mode of making the civil list supply and make good its own defalcations, without any additional burthens on the public. In the same reign there was a successful

[VOL. XXXVI.]

application to parliament at one particular period; but, if I mistake not, it was merely to make up the deficiency between the actual receipts of the revenue, and 800,000l., which was about that time settled as the limit of the civil list. The right hon. gentleman has urged, that the civil list of his present majesty had been loaded with annuities to the princess Amelia, the duke of Cumberland, &c.; but if these were liens on the civil list in the present, they were equally so in the reign of George 2nd, who had also to pay 100,000l. a year to the then prince of Wales. These annuities continued from 1745 to 1760; the remainder of the civil list of his present majesty only for five; but George 2nd had paid them for the space of fifteen years. I mention this principally, because I do not esteem it altogether becoming in gentlemen to appear in this House, in the shape and manner of counsel, to depreciate the amount of the present revenues of the crown.

It is to be observed, that all those annuities which hung as incumbrances on the civil list of his present majesty, ceased in the year 1786; that to the duke of Cumberland expired in 1765; that to the dowager princess of Wales in 1763; and that to the princess Amelia in 1786; so that, in fact, the whole of them ceased before the debt now brought forward began to accumulate. The proposition, so much boasted of, which was made in the beginning of the present reign, would have been a good one, if properly followed up. By that proposal the king relinquished nothing, because, constitutionally, he had nothing to give up in point of right, there being no right in existence. All that was done may more properly be considered in the way of an exchange. His majesty, indeed, had a right to expect that parliament would make the same allowance to him that they did to his ancestors; but when a civil list of 800,000l. a-year was granted to his grandfather, it was implied that the excess, which was never very considerable, should be subject to the controul of parliament, and that he should possess no more income from the revenues of this country than what the parliament thought proper to allow him. The right hon. gentleman, in tracing the history of the civil list through the course of the present reign, might have called to mind, that it was settled under an administration composed

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of persons who were considered as his majesty's peculiar favourites. The duke of Newcastle was then prime minister, and lord Bute and the late lord Chatham, secretaries of state. The right hon. gentleman seems to think the provision was less than it ought to be; but let me ask, is it to be believed that such an administration would ever have thought of proposing an inadequate revenue? But supposing they had done so, yet we must recollect, that the several annuities already mentioned were then so many incumbrances on the civil list; and yet we find that the debts it incurred in the first nine years amounted to no more than 500,000l. Though I was at that time a member of this House, I remember little of the discussion, and do not recollect that I was even present at the debate; but I recollect reading some pamphlets at that time published on the subject: one of these was written by a gentleman whose pursuits have since taken a more serious and holy turn-I mean Dr. Tucker, dean of Gloucester, who treated the matter in a very facetious and good-humoured manIn offering an apology for the proceedings, he said, that it was no extraordinary thing if a very young man, just come to his estate, and consequently not so prudent and economical as experience might in time teach him to be, and who had lately incurred the expenses of matrimony, enhanced by fêtes, a coronation, installation, &c.-It was no very extraordinary thing if such a man, possesed of 800,000l. annually should in nine years contract a debt of 500,000l. The debt first incurred was at the rate of 50,000l. a-year beyond the income allotted. Parliament, it is true, consented to pay it; but, by doing so, acted, in the opinion of many persons, rather rashly. In the year 1777 the ministers came again with another demand; and it appeared that the debt had increased more within the eight years between 1769 and 1777, than it had done in the former nine years. The demand I now refer to was for the sum of 600,000l.; and though ministers were successful, yet the minority, which condemned the payment of the sum, was by no means insignificant in point of numbers, but still less so in respect to character and talents, as the committee will acknowledge when I enumerate among them sir George Saville, Mr. Burke, Lord Sydney, &c. I have frequently had occasion to be convinced, that the more parliament agrees

to act (what, in the vulgar phrase, is called) handsomely by the monarch on the throne in pecuniary affairs, the worse effect is sure to flow from it; and I always feel great pleasure in recollecting the speech which the then Speaker of the House of Commons, sir Fletcher Norton, made upon that occasion to his majesty at the bar of the House of Lords, May 7, 1777. That intrepid and public-spirited man told the king, that "in a time of public distress, full of difficulty and danger, their constituents labouring under burthens almost too heavy to be borne; your faithful Commons have not only granted to your majesty a large present supply, but also a very great additional revenue; great beyond example; great beyond your majesty's highest expense; all this they have done in the well-grounded confidence that you will apply wisely what they have granted liberally."* But if sir Fletcher Norton spoke thus of the distress and burthens of the country in 1777, what character can be given to those of the present day?

It reminds me, Sir, of the observation of Florus, who, living at a period when the Roman empire was so infinitely extended, reflects with surprise, that his ancestors allowed a triumph for victories over the Volsci; and, in the same manner, when we look back to the year 1777, when the public burthens were then spoken of as so grievous, and when we view the infinite accumulation of taxes since that period, we are tempted to compare it to the observation of Florus on the triumphs of the Romans over the Volsci, or some other petty tribes. The speech of sir Fletcher Norton, notwithstanding the clamours of courtiers, was approved. Although court sycophancy has of late increased to a degree that must disgust every generous mind, although servility has made such rapid strides as, to every philosophic observer, evidently tends to the utter destruction of the constitution, yet we cannot forget the subserviency and sycophancy of former periods. Notwithstanding the resentment of the courtiers at the manly and spirited language of the Speaker, it was finally carried, on a motion brought forward by myself, to thank sir Fletcher for his general conduct in the chair, and particularly for the speech in question. This speech was made by a man of eminent qualities,

* See vol. 19, p. 213.

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