very

the idea that the facility of exportation of corn from Ireland into this country would be injurious to the people of Ireland, because no consequence of the act of union operated as a restraint on the exportation of spirits from Ireland to this country; and therefore, if corn was brought here in the shape of spirits, to any amount, the effect was the same, at least as to the quantity of grain used in such amount, as if it came in kind. Under this impression of the subject, what he wished was, to raise the export price, so as to enable the owner in Ireland to send, and this part of the united kingdom to receive from thence grain, in like manner as from any part of the continent. The lowest price at which, at present, corn could be received into this country was, wheat 54s. barley 288. and oats 28s. per quarter. He should hope the House would be of opinion, that it would be an encouragement to cultivation in Ireland, to enable one part of the empire to obtain from the other, the means of subsistence with more facility; for this purpose, he thought the better course would be to raise the price at which it should be allowable to export from Ireland to England grain of all denominations. The principle on which he proposed this, had already been carried into effect for the benefit of the distillers. The trade of the West India merchants called for the adoption of this measure; but, above all, it was matter of the highest importance to enable Great Britain to traffic with herself in the article of corn (for to traffic with Ireland now, was to traffic with herself), instead of resorting to the continent. He should now move, "That a Committee be appointed to consider of the State of the Corn Trade between Great Britain and Ireland; and report the same, with their observations thereupon, to the House."

fact was, that in the article of corn, there | was a prodigious difference between the two countries. There were many instances in which the price of grain in Ireland had been nearly double the price of the same sort of grain in Great Britain; and this had arisen from the operation of laws which had been thought wise and expedient when they were adopted. They were enacted at a time when Ireland was a separate kingdom, and when it was of great importance for the legislature of that country to give every facility to cultivation. By these laws, the export price of wheat was fixed at 45s. a quarter; of rice and barley, 23s. a quarter; and oats, 15s. 9d. a quarter. But he contended, that, even if Ireland were now a separate kingdom, these prices ought not to continue. They were fixed under different circumstances, and when the prices of grain were much lower than they now were; and therefore, even if the union had not taken place, some alteration ought to be made in them. He knew how difficult it was, upon such a subject as this, to make a great change, by the immediate adoption of a new principle, however incontestable the wisdom of it might be. Upon general principles, it would be wise to get rid of all distinctions respecting corn between Great Britain and Ireland, as had been done in the case of Scotland; and that no more distinction ought to subsist between them than between any two counties of Great Britain. There were, however, independent of the prejudices which must prevail upon such a subject, some circumstances peculiar to Ireland, which are entitled to consideration. It might be apprehended, that, in the event of a pressure from a scarcity, the capital of England would draw a great proportion of the grain from Ireland. There was also another circumstance that deserved to be considered; which was, that the means provided in this country for the relief of the poor did not subsist in Ireland, there being no poor-rate there; therefore it would be necessary to move cautiously upon a subject which might be supposed, in some instances, to prevent the poor of Ireland from getting their food at reasonable prices. There being no poor-rate in Ireland, the labourer had nothing to depend upon but his own earnings, and the liberality and benevolence of his neighbours. At the same time, he could not help saying, that there must have been a degree of prejudice in entertaining

Mr. Foster declared his approbation of the measure. It was the true interest of the empire at large, to bring the two parts of the kingdom into one, and to make them as if they were only two counties, in regard to the trade in corn at least. He believed it was the sincere wish in Ireland, that every obstacle to the plan of making the two parts of the kingdom one in respect of this trade, should be removed; that it should be made as it were a mere coasting trade. However, while he said this, he could not help observing, that the laws of Ireland, upon this subject, had continued uniform from

the year 1784. By the bill which then passed upon this subject, Ireland was bound to allow the exportation of its corn into this country, leaving it to this country to fix the price at which that exportation should take place. The British parliament had the power of fixing the price, and Ireland was bound to allow the exportation accordingly. That law had been continued in force for seventeen years, and had always been approved of. He therefore believed that the proposed measure would meet with general concurrence in Ireland. Having said this, he thought it might not be improper to submit, whether it might not be better to instruct the committee to take into consideration the corn laws at large. The corn laws of Ireland had the advantage of those of this country, and under those laws the agriculture of Ireland had greatly thriven. He was sorry to say, that, in this country, the laws in this respect had been inferior in policy to those of Ireland; for, ever since the year 1767, the laws of Great Britain had been an endeavour sometimes to regulate the trade of the corn-factor. at others to regulate capriciously the trade of exportation, at others importation; the whole of it making up a discouraging uncertainty; and therefore it was no wonder that the agriculture of the country had declined under the impression of it. There was one point which he could not pass over unnoticed: in Ireland, the regulation was made to operate uniformly on the whole of the country. In England, we had sixteen districts, and distinct regulations to each; so that we might be exporting corn at one part of the kingdom, while we were importing it at another; the evils of which were many. There should be a free participation between the two countries; we should make one standard for both. Ireland should be taught that she would be safe in opening her trade to this country; and we should be secured here against any apprehension of inconvenience from that species of encouragement to Ireland. When this system was well digested and put in practice, this country would never want grain, while Ireland had any to send.

Sir W. Pulteney said, that there had been a continual variation in the law on this subject; a thing much to be lamented. From the time of king William, there was no change in the corn laws until the year 1757, when there was an alarm of scarcity,

This

and those laws were thrown open. had introduced a practice of endeavouring, from time to time, to make provisions according to some temporary exigency, which had introduced into the law an uncertainty that had a grievous effect; for the farmer never knew exactly what to look forward to as the law to guide him. He was very glad the country had been called upon to observe the contrast between the laws of England and of Ireland in this particular.

Lord Hawkesbury said, he was ready to admit, that the general law of the empire upon this subject required revision; that there ought to be a general plan for the purpose of preventing occasional acts of parliament upon some temporary, or perhaps local, inconvenience; for such interferences of the legislature had been proved to be injurious. A right hon. gentleman had observed, that under the laws of Ireland the agriculture of Ireland had improved; while under the laws of England, the agriculture of England had declined. But, he appealed to the House, whether, notwithstanding the inconveniences, arising from the fluctuation of the law upon this subject, whether the agriculture of this country, so far from declining, had not within the last ten years, improved more than it ever had done in the same time? It was impossible to look at facts, without coming to that conclusion. It might be matter of curiosity to inquire why, if the agriculture of the country had so increased, England had, for the last thirty years, been an importing country with respect to corn, when it was known that, for the preceding part of the century, she was an exporting country. That might be ascribed to the influx of popula tion and of wealth, and their attendant, luxury; by which wheat had come into common consumption in England, over every part of it, or nearly so. On the comparison between Great Britain and Ireland, it should be observed, that wheat was not the common food of man in Ireland. In his opinion, the two countries should be put, with all speed possible, on the same footing in agriculture. He was persuaded that, until that could be done, the entire advantages of the union could not be enjoyed.

The motion was then agreed to.

Mr. Fox's Motion for a New Writ for Tavistock-Character of the Duke of Bed ford.] March 16. Mr. Fox rose and

spoke nearly as follows:-If the sad event which has recently occurred were only a private misfortune, however heavy, I should feel the impropriety of obtruding upon the House the feelings of private friendship, and would have sought some other opportunity of expressing those sentiments of gratitude and affection, which must be ever due from me to the memory of the excellent person, whose loss gives occasion to the sort of motion of course which I am about to make to the House. It is because I consider the death of the duke of Bedford as a great public calamity, because the public itself seems to consider it; because, not in this town only, but in every part of the kingdom, the impression made by it seems to be the strongest, and most universal, that ever appeared upon the loss of a subject; it is for these reasons that I presume to hope for the indulgence of the House, if I deviate, in some degree, from the common course, and introduce my motion in a manner which I must confess to be unusual on similar occasions.

At the same time, I trust, Sir, that I shall not be suspected of any intention to abuse the indulgence which I ask, by dwelling, with the fondness of friendship, upon the various excellencies of the character to which I have alluded, much less by entering into a history of the several events of his life which might serve to illustrate it. There was something in that character so peculiar and striking, and the just admiration which his virtues commanded was such, that to expatiate upon them in any detail is as unnecessary as, upon this occasion, it would be improper. That he has been much lamented and generally, cannot be wondered at, for surely there never was a more just occasion of public sorrow. To lose such a man!-at such a time!-so unexpectedly! -The particular stage of his life too in which we lost him, must add to every feeling of regret, and make the disappointment more severe and poignant to all thinking minds. Had he fallen at an earlier period, the public, to whom he could then (comparatively speaking at least) be but little known, would rather

This speech was printed in the Monthly Magazine for April 1802, from Mr. Fox's own manuscript. On presenting it to the proprietor of that publication, Mr. Fox observed, "that he had never before attempted to make a copy of any speech which he had delivered in public."

have compassionated and condoled with the feelings of his friends and relations, than have been themselves very severely afflicted by the loss. It would have been suggested, and even we who were the most partial must have admitted, that the expectations raised by the dawn are not always realized in the meridian of life. If the fatal event had been postponed, the calamity might have been alleviated by the consideration, that mankind could not have looked forward for any length of time to the exercises of his virtues and talents. But he was snatched away at a moment when society might have been expected to be long benefited by his benevolence, his energy, and his wisdom; when we had obtained a full certainty that the progress of his life would be more than answerable to the brightest hopes conceived from its outset; and when it might have been reasonably hoped, that, after having accomplished all the good of which it was capable, he would have descended not immaturely into the tomb. He had, on the one hand, lived long enough to have his character fully confirmed and established, while, on the other, what remained of life seemed, according to all human expectations, to afford ample space and scope for the exercise of the virtues of which that character was composed. The tree was old enough to enable us to ascertain the quality of the fruit which it would bear, and, at the same time, young enough to promise many years of produce.

The high rank and splendid fortune of the great man of whom I am speaking, though not circumstances which in themselves either can or ought to conciliate the regard and esteem of rational minds, are yet in so far considerable as an elevated situation, by making him who is so placed in it more powerful and conspicuous, causes his virtues or vices to be more useful or injurious to society. In this case, the rank and wealth of the person are to be attended to in another and a very different point of view. To appreciate his merits justly, we must consider not only the advantages, but the disadvantages, connected with such circumstances. The dangers attending prosperity in general, and high situations in particular, the corrupting influence of flattery, to which men in such situations are more peculiarly exposed, have been the theme of moralists in all ages, and in all nations; but how are these dangers increased with