the papers, they found matter which in- | amendment had been proposed which volved the nerve and the feelings of the could produce the least diversity of sentiwhole country, which involved that palla- ment upon an occasion when unanimity dium of our liberty, the freedom of the was so desirable. Passing from this press, and which involved the considera- amendment, which he hoped would not tion of our dearest rights and constitu- be pressed, he took notice of the manner tional liberties. He trusted, that while in which a learned judge had treated the the licentiousness of the press was re- complaints of the French government, strained, this country would never sur- with respect to the publications in this render its just liberty of the press; that country, referring to its administration; that press would never be subject to a and upon this point he was ready to admit foreign imprimatur; that our constitutional the candour of the noble secretary of liberty would never be violated, nor the state as to the offensive tendency of stream of justice diverted from its course, the general tenor of those publications. at the instance of a foreign foe. When Among those, however, he did not mean they examined the paper dated the 9th of so much to dwell upon the sentiments of February, they found the views of the the English newspapers as upon those French government sufficiently developed which appeared in French newspapers in the act of a man, who, it was evident, published in London, particularly the was clothed in the garb of authority. Courier de Londres, a paper understood Was it prudent to give up Malta at that to be in a great degree under the peculiar period when they saw the spear in the patronage of his majesty's ministers. If hands of the enemy? When they saw so, the French government had just reason that an army of 25,000 men, destined to complain. It was reviled in the gross for one purpose, was easily convertible to est terms in this publication, and why, he another? In Switzerland had there not would ask, should a paper be suffered to been, on the part of France, a direct vio- pursue that system of conduct which must lation of the treaty of Luneville? When operate to disturb the amity subsisting all the hostile acts committed by France between the two governments, more parstared them in the face, was it to be asked, ticularly when government had power, why go to war? As to the proposition under the Alien act, to send the editor out made on our part for the retention of of the country? We were not in that Malta for ten years, such an arrangement state in which we were to consider merely was sufficient evidence of our sincere de- the justice or expediency of the war, but sire of peace. In the course of that time, whether this country should continue to many circumssances might have occurred enjoy that independence which belonged to render the face of affairs upon the con- to her, or should submit to the absolute tinent wholly different. The present war dictation of a French ambassador; but he was the result of injuries accumulated could not accede to the proposition, that upon this country by France. It might, Malta alone would have been a rational in its consequences, oppress private fami- ground for war; because, if that island lies; and therefore nothing but a deep had been completely ceded to us, it would sense of the justice of our cause would have afforded a degree of security infinitely have induced him to assent to the address. short of what we had a right to expect, Though the present was a crisis of peril, and what it became necessary for us now yet there was no cause for despondency. to seek. The objects for which we had Though we had not among us the heroes to contend were of a wider and more imof Cressy or of Agincourt, yet we had portant nature. Our jealousy and alarm living among us, the heroes of Acre, of was excited by that incorrigible spirit of the Nile, of St. Vincent, and of Camper-encroachment and ambition which the godown, who were fully equal to the task of directing the energies of the country, and pursuing to a successful termination the contest in which we were engaged. He trusted, that congenial spirit would produce congenial effect, both in our naval and military service; and that all petty considerations would be merged in the essential interests of the British empire.

The Earl of Moira regretted that an

vernment of France had manifested. Were not Holland, Piedmont, and Switzerland, just subjects of our solicitude? The main object of the war must be to restrain the arrogance, to reduce the preponderance of the French government; and until that object be attained, the war should not be abandoned. It was quite competent to Great Britain to bring this overgrown authority within reasonable bounds; but it

must be done by vigorous efforts, by a was, not by appearing to feel too much short and decisive war, not by petty at-afraid of it, for that might serve only to tempts with respect to Malta, or any postpone the danger, and when it again comparatively inferior object, or by any approached, its advances might become colonial expeditions, calculated to cramp irresistible, and its evils aggravated. It the energy and waste the strength of the was in order to guard against such a war, country. that he had for some time back recom. mended a line of policy to ministers which he was convinced would have been much more effectual towards avoiding war than the course they had pursued. He condemned their system; and he had before stated distinctly the reasons of his opinion. In considering the subject which his majesty's declaration involved, two questions arose; the one related to the policy of concurring with his majesty to maintain the honour of his crown and the interests of his people; the other as to the conduct of ministers since the termination of the last war. The latter point he would exclude from the question before the House, as it was meant to form the subject of consideration on a future day. In offering his majesty the solemn as surance of his support, he was not induced to do so in order to rectify the errors of The Earl of Rosslyn, although he the treaty of Amiens, or to sustain say agreed with lord Melville, that Malta deviation from it. For it was his wish alone would be a sufficient ground of war, that that treaty should be adhered to yet thought it evident, that the whole strictly: the public faith stood pledged system of France, since the peace, and for it; but it seemed impossible to conher many breaches of good faith, amount-form to that treaty. The article with reed to an abundant cause of war, on our spect to Malta was evidently impractic part. He considered the menacing lan-able; but it is now stated that it would guage, held farth by Buonaparté to lord Whitworth, as a sufficient cause of war. His whole conduct, since he signed the treaty, was an uniform system of arrogance, insult, and injury. His views against the Turkish empire, which he did not take the trouble to conceal, were contrary to the letter of the treaty of Amiens, and therefore a ground of war. He wished that this should not be considered as a war likely to be short, but as one so absolutely necessary, that our only wish should be, to carry it on with vigour and

Earl Spencer said, he had no hesitation in giving it as his decided opinion, that upon the face of the whole negotiation, this country had not only a just, but an indispensable cause of war against France. He should therefore give his hearty support to the address, rather than to the amendment, which, by prolonging a temporizing system, would lead to no possible advantage, but rather exhaust the means of our security, and allow the French government time to gain new advantages. He trusted, now that war was rendered inevitable, the House and the country would be unanimous in enabling his majesty to prosecute it with energy. He trusted that our resources would be wisely and energetically administered; and this done, no doubt could remain of

success.

success.

Lord Grenville said, that the address was drawn up in terms with which he heartily concurred, because they were congenial with those sentiments of national honour which formed the best security for the country. No man felt more strongly than he did the calamities which must attend a state of war, and the activity which ought of course to be employed to preserve mankind from such

evil; but the best way of warding it off

recom

have been practicable if new circumstances had not arisen. What were they, he would ask, which did not actually exist, or were on the brink of existing, at the time when the treaty was signed? Yet be never did say that those errors would be a fair ground for war; he stronly mended that they should be removed, not by war, but by amicable negotiation. A noble earl had said, that as Malta was so valuable, a proposition ought to be made to the French government, to give in ex change for Malta the islands of Guernsey and Jersey. This was an idea not to be endured. What! would the noble earl, who professed himself an advocate for liberty, recommend to have so many thousand British subjects transferred to the most degrading slavery that existed in the world? The act was beyond the power of the House to attempt, be cause their lordships were incapable of injustice. Returning to the question be fore the House, he observed that he was happy to see such a spirit reviving in that

&

adopted to make the clergy attentive to Sir Francis Burdett said, that of all the the duties of the church. As the laws objectionable proceedings that ever occupi stood at present, relative to the duty of ed his attention, he conceived this to be the clergymen, they doubtless contained many most unjust. It might be entitled " A bill defects, and it was high time to do what for enslaving and degrading the clergy of my lord Coke had recommended above the established church;" for, by this bill 150 years ago, that was, to revise the sta- the clergy were left at the mercy of the tutes applicable to the regulation of the bishops, and also of the minister of the church. By the advice of his friends, he day. He would rather submit to the had undertaken to give this subject seri- operation of the very worst laws that ous consideration. On a former occasion, could be framed, than to the will of any he had expressed his wish that time should individual. This bill also affected the be given to deliberate on the bill then property of those concerned in a material before the House; but every member degree; for if a parent had laid out, under must recollect what a mob of bills rushed the sanction of the old laws, a sum of mo through the House in the last agony of ney as a provision for his son, either in that parliament; yet he did not expect point of education or, in any other way that the former bill would have been one in which the church was concerned, he of them. With respect to the present might be dismissed, by not immediately bill, it was fundamentally the same as attending to the admonition of the bishop, the former one. It contained an exemp- though it might be a point in which his tion to several persons; whether this was whole fortune was engaged. This was a right he would leave the House to decide. state of degradation to which the members He had not made any provision for the of the established church should not be parochial clergy; that he thought ought reduced. This House had already to come from another quarter. It was his adopted the principle, that when a man wish that the parsonage houses should be was once a clergyman, he should always put in proper repair for the reception of remain so; so that if a clergyman were their proper inhabitants; from the decay inclined, in consequence of the operation these dwellings had been suffered to go of this bill, to change his profession, be into, many clergymen were under the ne- had no power of doing so. He objected cessity of residing at a great distance from to the bill, on the grounds of the discre their duty. As to those benefices to tionary power which it lodged in the which there was no house attached, some bishops. If one bishop gave a clergyman provision ought to be made to render the a licence to go abroad for two or three clergy more comfortable. With respect years as tutor to a nobleman or gentle to the small benefices, something had been man's son, that bishop might in the mean done by Mr. Gilbert's act, but it had not time be translated, and his successor be gone far enough to be of real service to actuated by different sentiments: so that this order of the clergy. The method he when this clergyman came home, he should propose would be, that govern- would probably find another person ment should advance a sum of money, as possession of his benefice, which in some a fund, to mend the stipends of curates; degree might be considered as his freethis he thought necessary for the better hold estate. He also objected to this dis support of those numerous, worthy, labori-pensing power of the bishops on other ous men, on whom the religion and mo- grounds. The clergy in general possessed rality of the country so much depended. a right of voting for members of parlia He hoped the measure would be found ment; now this bill left so many voters calculated to answer every purpose for at the mercy of ministers, through the which it was designed; and moved for medium of the bishops, that he considered leave to bring in a bill," to amend and it extremely dangerous in that point of render more effectual the laws relating to view. It was a violation of every princi spiritual persons holding of farms, and for ple of justice, to place men, by an ex pa enforcing the residence of spiritual persons facto law in such a situation. It was well on their benefices."-Leave was given, known, that the bishop of St. David's preand the bill was afterwards brought in, vious to an election, had sent a circular and repeatedly committed. letter to the clergymen of his diocese, to influence them on that occasion; but even that step would not be necessary in future; for this bill gave the bishops such

May 26. On the order of the day for the third reading,

an absolute control over the clergy, that no one would dare to vote in opposition to them. He thought, for his part, that, instead of giving such control, there should be an injunction on the bishops to set the example in point of discharge of duty. The bishop of Landaff held the situation of regius professsor at Cambridge; he also held a living in Huntingdonshire, and an archdeaconry in another place; and yet he lived in Cumberland. He objected to the committing of persons to the discretion of men, not to be trusted any more than themselves. It was doing away all ideas of liberty and independence; and upon grounds of constitutional jealousy, he felt himself called upon to oppose the bill.

The bill was read a third time. On the motion, that it do pass, the House divided:

good offices, for the settlement of the differences between Great Britain and France. He wished to induce the House of Commons to advise his majesty imme diately to avail himself of those friendly dispositions. On the advantages of me diation in general, it was not necessary for him to descant; still less on the advantages which must result from the mediation of that powerful, respected, and universally esteemed sovereign, the emperor of Russia. It was Mr. Fox's opinion, that even where mediation was wholly inactive, where the mediating powers lent only their names to a negotiation, the offer of it ought, under almost any cir cumstances, to be accepted. Even this, which was the lowest species of mediation, was useful for the sake of public opinion. What was now proposed, however, he understood to be of the higher species, and to amount to an offer, by the emperor of Russia, of an effectual interposition of his good offices; which, among other advantages, included this, that if it should fail, through our enemy's advancing unjust claims and pretensions, and if we should be compelled by such failure to prosecute the war for objects which, in that case, must be approved by the mediating sovereign, we should secure his support, and the sanction of his great and powerful name. And what was equally material, we should have in our favour the public opinion of Europe and the world. This, let gentlemen be assured, was no trifling matter; it was a consideration of sufficient importance by itself, even if there existed no other motive, to determine in favour of the propriety of the step he was about to recommend.

Debate on Mr. Fox's Motion respecting the Mediation of Russia.] May 27. Mr. Fox rose, for the purpose of making his promised motion respecting the mediation of the emperor of Russia to adjust the existing differences between this country and France. He observed, that although, from the time and circumstances under which he brought it forward, it might be considered as one of the most important ever submitted to parliament, it was one which led to no great length of discussion, nor would require him to take any very comprehensive view of the topics naturally connected with it. Into the general ques- It was not, however, merely for the tion of the propriety of the war, he was sake of adjusting present differences that not disposed to enter. He had stated his he thought the acceptance of this mediaopinions very fully on a former day: a tion so desirable. To that power to great majority had differed from him; and which ministers looked as the principal to the judgment of that majority it was and only fit guarantee for Malta, they his duty to bow. The country was then might naturally look for mediation on actually at war, and being so, he should other matters; they might look for an give the war the best support in his power. extension of his guarantee to all the But although we were at war, and although points now at issue between the governmany differences prevailed as to the ments of Great Britain and France. Thogrounds of it, no one would deny the pro- roughly impressed with the feasibility of priety of bringing it as soon as possible this plan, Mr. Fox most anxiously conto an honourable termination. The pro-jured ministers, as they valued the inteposition which it was his intention to submit to the House had this object in view. It was understood, that an offer had recently been made by the emperor of Russia to interpose his mediation, or

rests of their country and the permanent peace of Europe, not to suffer the present opportunity to escape them; not to overlook means so obvious and so practicable for the accomplishment of all