H. OF R.] Number of Armed Vessels, &c. G. Champlin, John Chapman, James Cochran, Wil- The question, of course, recurred upon the original resolution, when [DECEMBER, 1798. Blount, William Charles Cole Claiborne, John Clopton, John Dawson, Joseph Eggleston, Lucas Elmendorf, Albert Gallatin, William Gordon, Andrew Gregg, Robert Goodloe Harper, Carter B. Harrison, Jonathan N. Havens, Joseph Heister, David Holmes, Walter Jones, James Machir, Nathaniel Macon, William Matthews, Blair McClenachan, Anthony New, John Nicholas, Josiah Parker, William Smith, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Richard Sprigg, Richard Stanford, George Thatcher, Abram Trigg, John Trigg, Philip Van Cortlandt, Joseph B. Varnum, and John Williams. MONDAY, December 17. M. W. CLAIBORNE laid the following resolution upon the table: NAYS-Bailey Bartlett, Jonathan Brace, David Brooks, Robert Brown, Christopher G. Champlin, John Chapman, James Cochran, William Craik, Samuel W. Dana, John Dennis, George Dent, Wm. Edmond, Thos. Evans, Abiel Foster, Dwight Foster, Jonathan Freeman, Mr. EDMOND rose, and said that when this resHenry Glen, Chauncey Goodrich, Roger Griswold, John olution was first laid upon the table, on hearing L. Hosmer, James H. Imlay, Matthew Locke, Lewis A. Hanna, Thomas Hartley, William Hindman, Hezekiah the observations of the gentleman who made it, R. Morris, Harrison G. Otis, Isaac Parker, Thomas that in the course of his travels he had met a num- Pinckney, John Reed, John Rutledge, jr., James ber of gentlemen unacquainted with these laws, Schureman, Samuel Sewall, William Shepard, Thomas stating also a general ignorance of the people reSinnickson, Nathaniel Smith, Peleg Sprague, Richard specting them, and that certain rough drafts of Thomas, Mark Thomson, Thomas Tillinghast, John bills had been read for the sedition law, it occur- E. Van Alen, Abraham Venable, Peleg Wadsworth, red to his mind that the first view of the Legisla- and Robert Waln. ture, after passing laws, being to make them known to the people, if these laws are not sufficiently known, they ought to be. It struck him, also, that as certain incendiaries appeared to be taking advantage of this ignorance, it afforded an additional reason for making them known as soon as possible; he had, therefore, determined to vote for them. But, after seeing the several amendments which had been proposed, and hearing the arguments adduced against the measure; when he was informed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and others, that these laws had been printed in handbills, and published more than any other laws; that they had been made the groundwork for meetings and declamations of self-created orators, and of persons ill disposed towards our Government, for the purpose of creating uneasiness; he saw no necessity for the publication, since the Legislature had done its duty in having the laws published in the usual way; and, the original resolution being unnecessary, the amendments are equally unnecessary. It appears that both these laws and the Constitution are well known, and that an extra publication of them could have no other effect than to invite the people to assemble together, once more to act over the same scenes of disorder and confusion, which have been acted too often already. He should, therefore, vote against the proposition. Mr. GALLATIN wished to set the gentleman from Connecticut right in one respect. He did not believe the gentleman from South Carolina had said a word about any meetings in Pennsylvania; if there had been any, he himself had not heard of them. Mr. EDMOND declared he had not said anything about meetings in Pennsylvania. The question on the original resolution was then taken, and decided in the negative-yeas 34, nays 45, as follows: YEAS-Abraham Baldwin, David Bard, Thomas "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representa tives of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of State be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to cause to be printed a certain number of copies not exceeding thousand of the Constitution of the United States, together with the amendments which have been made thereto, and to cause the same to be distributed gratis throughout the United States." Ordered to lie on the table. Mr. GALLATIN, from the committee directed to prepare and report a bill respecting balances due from certain States, reported a bill, which was read and committed. NUMBER OF ARMED VESSELS, &c. Mr. NICHOLAS said, that as the law of last session for increasing the Navy Establishment had given great discretionary powers to the President of the United States, he thought it proper that the House should receive some information as to what had been done in consequence of these powers, particularly as it appeared to be an avowed object to increase the Navy Establishment during the present session. He therefore proposed the following resolution: "Resolved, That the Secretary of the Navy be directed to lay before this House an account of all the armed vessels employed in, or preparing for, the service of the United States, with an estimate of the expenses of their equipment, and of their annual support." Mr. J. PARKER had no objection to this inquiry; but as the committee already appointed to consider and report on the subject of the Navy Estab lishment, will certainly make this a part of their business, he did not see any necessity for this resolution. He, as one of that committee, should think it his duty to give every information which could be required on this subject. Mr. NICHOLAS thought if there was no objection to the information being obtained, it was not a sufficient reason for dispensing with the resolution, because a committee already appointed might possibly make it a part of their duty to give the information required to the House. He saw no reason, if the information was necessary and proper, why the House should wait for it until a select committee should think proper to give it to them. Mr. Oris wished the gentleman from Virginia would suffer his resolution to lie upon the table till to-morrow. He himself should have no objection to wait for this information until the committee which had been appointed should give it; but, if this resolution were passed, he should wish it to be more particular. He should wish to know of what force the vessels are, what part of them have been purchased, and what part built and where. He agreed this was information which the House ought to possess; but was of opinion that a select committee had better obtain it and lay it before the House. Mr. NICHOLAS had no objection to the resolution laying till to-morrow, nor to its being made more particular. TUESDAY, December 18. IMPEACHMENT OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. A message was received from the Senate, notifying the House that William Blount, impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors before the Senate, by this House, though he had been duly summoned, had not appeared at the bar of the Senate at the time appointed; and that the Senate would be ready to receive the managers at twelve o'clock this day, to take farther order in this trial. On motion of Mr. HARPER, this message was referred to the managers of the impeachment, who had leave to sit during the session of the House. NUMBER OF ARMED VESSELS. Mr. J. PARKER said, if his colleague (Mr. NiCHOLAS) would withdraw the resolution which he yesterday laid upon the table, relative to the Navy Establishment, he would present one, by direction of the committee which had been appointed on this subject, containing more particulars, which would embrace all the objects of his colleague. It was to the following effect: “Resolved, That the Secretary of the Navy be directed to lay before this House an account of all armed [H. OF R. vessels employed in, or preparing for, the service of the United States, particularizing where the same were built, or are building, and under what contract; their respective sizes, number of guns, and complement of men, and the names of the commanders of such as are in commission, with a statement of the expense of the equipment of each, and of its annual support." Mr. NICHOLAS had no objection to the substi→ tution of this resolution for the one which he yesterday proposed, and it was agreed to by the House. IMPEACHMENT OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. Mr. HARPER, from the committee of managers of the impeachment of William Blount, to whom had been referred the message of the Senate of this morning, reported, as their opinion, that it would be proper for the managers to attend before the Senate at the time appointed, to request a further day for preparing their proceedings in the said impeachment. The House took up the report and agreed to it. No other business appearing before the House, it adjourned. WEDNESDAY, December 19. Mr. HARPER, from the Committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, which was committed for Friday. DIRECT TAX LAW. Mr. GORDON said, it would be recollected, that when the bill for laying a direct tax upon the United States was under consideration, certain amendments were proposed, which, for want of One of these, which retime, were passed over. lated to the conveyance of lands, he thought essential; and, in order to bring the subject before the House, he moved that the Committee of Ways and Means be directed to inquire whether any, and, if any, what amendments are necessary in that act, and that they report by bill or otherwise. DISTRIBUTION OF THE CONSTITUTION. Mr. W. CLAIBORNE called up the resolution which he laid upon the table on Monday, for causing a number of the Constitution of the United States, as amended, to be printed and distributed gratis throughout the United States. The House having agreed to take it up, Mr. C. hoped the resolution would be agreed to, as he conceived the information which it proposed to give to the people would be highly desirable. It had been conceded by all, that the circulation of the Constitution as amended, had been very limited, and that the amendments are unknown in some parts of the Union. He said he should rejoice to see our form of Government in the hands of every freeman in the country; nor, if gentlemen wished it to be understood, respected, and obeyed, could recurrence be too frequently had to first principles. When the people are in full possession of these, it could not be doubted that their vigilance would preserve the Constitution inviolate to the latest posterity. How far H. OF R.] Distribution of the Constitution. this publication may be desirable in the Eastern and Middle States, he could not tell; but in some of the Southern, and in the two Western States, he was decidedly of opinion, that it would be very acceptable. On a former occasion, said Mr. C., the House had been told by a member from Massachusetts, (Mr. THATCHER,) that the people in the Western country are not uninformed as to the Constitution; that it is not political information which they want, but "moral information, fixed principles, and correct habits." Such language as this need only to be mentioned to be despised. The SPEAKER interrupted Mr. C. to say, that the member from Massachusetts was checked by the SPEAKER at the time, and that therefore his remarks were out of order. Mr. CLAIBORNE replied, the remark had gone forth to the public, and it was certainly proper for him to state that it was calumny. Mr. C. concluded by moving to strike out of the resolution the words "not exceeding in order to insert 50,000 copies; and as he had been informed that this number of copies might be printed for less than a thousand dollars, he hoped the number would not be objected to, since it would be money well expended. The question on the amendment was put and negatived-33 to 32. [DECEMBER, 1798 less, indeed the principle were to be allowed good one, which was, on a former occasion, advo cated by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (M) GALLATIN) on the motion of the gentleman from South Carolina for printing the alien and seditio laws; that gentleman told the House that he coul see no good reason for the publication, but that h would nevertheless vote for it, because, if he di not, it would be said he was for preventing inform ation from going to the people. Did I believ this a just ground upon which to found my vote I ought certainly to vote in favor of the presen resolution; as I have not the least doubt it will b said of those who oppose it, that they are fo keeping information from the people; but, as I d not believe the publication necessary, and as wish to consult my own understanding as to th necessity of the measure, rather than what may be said of my conduct by others, I shall vot against it. Mr. W. CLAIBORNE denied that he had said this publication would be necessary only for th Western States; but he had stated, that he could not be certain, for want of information, whethe it would be equally desirable for the Eastern and Middle States with those of the Southern and Western. He believed, however, this publication would be acceptable in all parts of the Union The amendments to the Constitution, he had beer informed, had been published only in Mr. Swift' Mr. CLAIBORNE then moved to fill the blank with 40,000 copies, which motion was carried-edition of the laws, of which 5,000 copies hac 33 to 32. Mr. N. SMITH Supposed the question would now be on the resolution as amended. He said, he should have no objection to this publication, did he suppose it necessary; but he could not conceive what new light had flashed upon the gentleman from Tennessee, just at this moment, which made the publication more necessary than at any former period since the adoption of the amendments to the Constitution. These amendments had been regularly published in the edition of the laws which was published in 1796. Two amendments were, indeed, then published, which have never been adopted, but there was a note inserted, discriminating between those which had been, and those which had not been adopted. There certainly can be no objection to the Constitution being in the hands of every citizen; but whether the United States ought to be at the expense and trouble of this distribution, was a question. The gentleman himself supposes that there are only two or three States which are in want of this information; and with respect to those, the printers in these States may make any publication of the Constitution which they think proper; or the States themselves, or any individual gentleman, or any set of gentlemen, may do it. For his own part, as there had been an equal distribution of the Constitution, as amended, with the laws of the United States, he did not wish, by an extra publication, to make a difference between the publicity of the Constitution and the laws, nor between certain laws and other laws of the Union. He would treat them all alike. He therefore saw no reason for voting in favor of this resolution, un been circulated throughout the United States; sc that to be possessed of a complete copy of the Constitution, it will be necessary for citizens not only to have a copy of the Constitution, but als a copy of the laws, which he would venture to say many of the Justices and Judges in many of the States, and some of the Legislatures in others. had not. But the gentleman from Connecticut had said, that the Legislatures of the States, or individuals, might cause the Constitution as amended to be printed; but is not this, said Mr. C. a more proper subject for the National Legislature to act upon, than for any other body of men, or than for any individual? Does it not belong to them to inform the people correctly with respect to the powers vested in the General Government? It certainly did, and he was sorry to find any objection made to the motion, as he thought it of the first importance. Those, indeed, who are in the vicinity of large cities, where this information can be readily obtained, need not be anxious for the present publication; but people far removed from sources of information cannot get copies of the amended Constitution, except a publication of the kind proposed be made. Mr. SEWALL viewed the resolution under consideration, as of little importance in itself, and, if unnecessary, only an useless expense of a few thousand dollars. But, instead of being a means of information to the people, he conceived that it would operate a contrary way. At present, the same promulgation has been made of the amendments to the Constitution, that has been made of the laws of the United States; 5000 copies have been printed and circulated through the Union; so that there is no part of the country where the laws and Constitution cannot be easily obtained; but these copies, and this information, is continally multiplied, by making it the interest of the printers to publish them on their own account, so that every man who wishes for this information, may get it at any printing office in the country, much better than by applying to the Secretary of State for it. The wants of the people are better known in this respect by the printers than by the Secretary of State. And suppose 50,000 copies of the Constitution and amendments were printed, they would not furnish a copy for every hundredth man. Who, then, are to be the favored individuals to whom these copies are to be sent ? He could not tell. But as any one by expending sxpence might at present purchase one for himself, he saw no necessity for the present motion, especially, since by discouraging printers from publishing them on their own account, those who id not get a copy given to them, would have to pay double price for them, on account of the decreased demand. It was on this account, Mr. S. said, that he considered the measure as calculated to restrain, rather than increase information on this subject. Mr. THATCHER said, that when he saw this subject brought forward again and again, it struck him that the gentleman from Tennessee has got certain complex impressions upon his mind, which he is not able to analyze. He seems to think that the people in his part of the country do not know what the Constitution is; yet if he would look back six or seven years, and see what the people have done, as well in those parts of the Union as in others, the conclusion must be that the people are well informed with respect to the Constitution, or that they are in such a situation as that a publication of 40,000 copies of that instrument would be of no use to give them the information. But they certainly, said Mr. T., do understand, at least, the practical parts of the Constitution, as they have several times exercised their rights as electors under it. It was in vain, therefore, for the gentleman to say that his constituents are ignorant of the Constitution; since this alone shows that they are acquainted with the practical parts of it, which is all that it is of immediate consequence for the people to know. Look upon the subject, said Mr. T., in another point of view. For six or eight years past, a session of Congress has not passed, in which some law has not been enacted, which certain gentlemen have deemed unconstitutional. This they have publicly declared, and the declaration has gone forth to the people, and engaged the attention, and undergone the examination of clubs, of mobs, and of legislatures. Could this examination have taken place, said he, and yet the people be ignorant of the Constitution? Certainly not, and therefore the people in the Western country either do know what the Constitution is, or they have remained in a state of mental apathy, from which they could not be roused, though told that the Constitution was invaded, and their liber [H. OF R. ties about to be destroyed. If they could not be roused by this stimulus, it follows of course, said Mr. T. that they are in a state of mental darkness, and "that a pair of spectacles might as well be put upon the nose of a dead man, as that information should be sent among these people!" Another argument to show the impropriety of the present resolution. There is no State in the Union which does not contain a printing press. He doubted not the State of Tennessee had its printer, and that he was not so fully employed, but that, if he thought there would be any considerable demand for the Constitution of the United States, he would find time to print it; and the gentleman would not say that his constituents cannot afford to purchase it, since they can afford to buy slaves, and, of course, must possess considerable property. Upon the whole, the gentieman had himself convinced him, that there is no demand for the Constitution in his State; or that, if there be, those who want it may be readily supplied; he should, therefore, vote against the motion. Mr. HARPER felt no difficulty in confessing, that the more he reflected on this subject, in consequence of the motion which he himself made, and the variety of amendments which had been proposed to it, the more he doubted the propriety of the Government of the United States making any of these extra publications. He was, however, far from wishing to oppose a proper publication of the Constitution as amended, nor did he think the arguments which had been used against the measure were sufficiently strong to show it to be unnecessary. Printers are not always inclined to run the risk of publications, though, in the end, they might be well paid for their trouble; and, indeed, some people would be ready to accept a copy of the Constitution, gratis, and read it, who would not themselves purchase it. He was not, however, in favor of the present motion. He was aware that there was a want of an authentic copy of the Constitution as amended. The edition of the laws which had been mentioned, contained all the amendments but one; but one, he believed, it did not contain. It occurred to him that the publication of the laws authorized by the Government does not extend to the laws which may be passed during the present Congress. Might it not, then, said he, be proper to give this business some form of this kind, viz; That the Secretary of State be authorized to publish a like number (5000) of the laws of the present Congress, and that the whole Constitution be prefixed to the publication. This would insure a general circulation of an authentic copy of the Constitution, which might be multiplied as printers saw proper. Mr. H. was not confident that this course would be the best; he barely suggested it; and, that the subject might be more fully considered, he moved to refer it to a select committee. Mr. NICHOLAS hoped this course would not be taken, since he had heard no real objection to the original motion. Several had, indeed, been mentioned, one of them of a very extraordinary na H. OF R.] Distribution of the Constitution. [DECEMBER, 1798. would be found that the Secretary of State is authorized to publish 5,000 copies of the laws of every succeeding session, to be distributed throughout the Union. [The law was read, and this was found to be the fact.] ture. It was. that the people knew everything re-pies of the laws might be read, as he believed it specting the Constitution, which it is proper for them to know; that they have nothing to do with this Government but to elect the component parts of it. Mr. N. said, he was not in the habit of answering the arguments of the gentleman from whom this sentiment fell; but so extraordinary a Mr. THATCHER replied to Mr. NICHOLAS, that declaration ought not to pass unnoticed come from the amendments of the Constitution had been pubwhom it might. Principles of this kind, said he, lished again and again in his part of the country; are not likely to be at first generally avowed, they and he believed they had also been published in are generally ushered in indirectly, before their real that gentleman's district. With regard to the assupporters come forward and avow them. He tonishment and surprise which he had expressed hoped so dishonorable a sentiment would always at the sentiments which he (Mr. T.) had deliverbe scouted by the people of the United States. ered, it is natural when anything is new, that it But, it was said, that this measure is unneces- should excite these sensations, but, after gazing for sary, because printers will always find it their in- some time, the astonishment will subside, and the terest to print what is much wanted; so that the spectators will act rationally upon it. promulgation of a perfect copy of the Constitution Mr. MACON said, after hearing the law, which is to depend upon the enterprise of individuals, he had called for, read, the proposed reference and, if it is not thus circulated, the people are to must appear unnecessary. This resolution, said remain in ignorance with respect to the basis of he, embraces no new principle. It is the same as our laws and Government. At present, he believ- that upon which the extra publication of the laws ed, no one could point to any volume containing was founded. It was thought the laws were not our Constitution complete. The whole amend-sufficiently known, and an extra publication of ments had been published. but, having been rati- them was agreed upon. It was now supposed that fied by degrees, the people do not know which are the Constitution, as amended, is not sufficiently a part of the Constitution, and which are not. known, and a further publication of it is proposed. And he would also tell gentlemen that they are As to the printers publishing it, if they had thought mistaken with respect to individual industry. It it worth their notice, it would have been done beis only in places where printers find it difficult to fore this time; and, not having been done, Conmake a living, that everything is laid hold of forgress ought to make the publication, since it is clear publication, which affords the shadow of success. In places where this difficulty does not exist, neither does this industry appear. He doubted whether even the gentleman from Massachusetts himself could point to a publication in his part of the country (where individual exertions were carried much further than in many other parts of the Union) containing a perfect copy of the Constitution. He hoped this resolution would be agreed to, if for no other reason than on account of the arguments which had been urged against it, which certainly were calculated to pervert all the principles of our Government. that the amendments are not sufficiently known. The instance mentioned the other day by a member from Maryland, of a gentleman who was capable of making an oration at a public meeting, not knowing anything of the amendments to the Constitution, was a strong proof that they are not generally known. This did not happen on the other side the mountains, but in as thick a settled part of the country as any in the United States; and as it had been stated that 50,000 copies of the Constitution complete might be printed for less than a thousand dollars, there could be no reason. able objection to its being done. He thought this publication far more necessary than the extra publication of despatches, ordered at the last session. Mr. J. WILLIAMS said, it appeared to him that it would be much better to have this subject referred as proposed, than that a question should be taken upon the resolution. By the law, which had been read, it appeared that an extra edition of the laws of the present Congress would have to be printed, and the Constitution could be added to it. He should not have said a word on this subject, but from what had fallen from the gentleman from Tennessee. That gentleman said, "if we mean to support our liberty, Constitution, and Government, it is necessary to support this resolution." Mr. W. wished to know from that gentleman, whether, if the House agreed to this resolution or not, they could not support these? Such sen Mr. CRAIK understood that the question now before the House, is not whether the Constitution shall be published, but whether the resolution shall be referred to a select committee. He did not think that the arguments of any gentleman ought to be given as a reason for passing a resolution, but the reasonableness of the motion itself. It ought also to be founded upon a general view of the subject, and not on any particular consideration. He should, therefore, prefer the motion of the gentleman from South Carolina, as it would not appear to be pointed to the particular situation in which we stand with respect to certain laws lately passed. He did not think it necessary to publish the Constitution in a more general manner than the laws, many of which are penal, and of course immediately affect the lives and property of the people. As the proposition of the gentle-timents, thrown out in debate, said he, serve only man from South Carolina connected the laws and Constitution together, he preferred that mode. Mr. MACON wished, before the question was put, that the law authorizing the printing of 5,000 co to create warmth, and answer no good purpose whatever. He wished all the acts of Government to have the greatest publicity; but, when called upon to print an extra number of copies of any |
