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formed, but there is a general and wilful misapprehension with respect to these laws, and the Legislature of Kentucky have either not got the laws, or, if they have, they have misunderstood them.

There is another article of evidence, and the only one which can have any weight, and that is what the gentleman has himself seen in his travels. He has seen men, he says, opposed to the law, merely from misinformation, who, the moment they saw the law (and, he supposed, heard his, Mr. H.'s, arguments, upon it) were convinced it was Constitutional and proper. If he understood the gentleman, not a single individual, except he were a violent party man, but what was convinced in this way. Mr. G. wished the gentleman had called in some other parts of Virginia, besides those in which he went, because he had seen the opinion of a gentleman, who certainly was not a violent party man, disapproving of these laws. He wished that gentleman had called at Richmond and convinced this gentleman of his error.

*

[DECEMBER, 1798.

laws. What does the gentleman call tumultuous meetings? Peaceable meetings of the people to state their grievances. And he was not astonished, that after an attack has been made on the liberty of the Press, that another is made against the peaceable meetings of citizens to state their grievances, and that they are called symptoms of an armed opposition to the laws. Mr. G. thought gentlemen ought to wait for stronger symptoms, before this language was held on the floor of Congress. As long as the people confine themselves to an expression of their opinions on the measures of Government, he saw no danger of an armed opposition to the laws. So far as he was acquainted with those parts of Pennsylvania in which these laws are deemed impolitic, and by many unconstitutional, he had seen no symptoms of an armed opposition, or indeed any opposition whatever, for he could not call a meeting to draw a petition in opposition to a law. If this, said he, be a fact, the resolution before the House ought to be rejected. Yet he believed one reason would But, said Mr. G., taking it for granted, that some induce him to disappoint the gentleman from misinformation respecting the laws in question has South Carolina by voting in favor of it. He saw gone abroad, he could not see how it was to be only one motive that could have led to the introcorrected by the publication proposed. He had duction of it. It is known that in many parts of complained that it had been said that the sedition the United States these laws are considered imlaw attacked the freedom of speech; and if there politic and unconstitutional, and, if the members be any misapprehension on the subject, it must bs from these parts were to vote against this motion, on this point, and this alone. It was true, Mr. G. it would be immediately said by the friends of said, that he had himself met with some individu- these laws, "You see the opposition which is made als, and not violent party men, but supporters of to any information being given to the people with the Administration, who conceived that the liber-respect to these laws; though all the dislike of ty of speech was intended to be affected by the them arises from misinformation, certain gentleword "utter." He was himself of a different men will not suffer the people to be undeceived." opinion, but he had found the greatest variance of It would be to prevent this being said, and not opinion, even among gentlemen of the law, as to from any evidence which had been brought to the intention of the sedition act; and, if it be in-show the necessity of the measure, that he should tended to inform the people on this subject, it will be necessary to send out a commentary with the Mr. HARPER (after having obtained the neceslaw; for, after they have read the law, they will sary leave to speak a third time) was glad to find, not know whether the act of writing a letter with- however gentlemen disapproved of this motion, out either publishing or printing it, comes within they all found some reason or other for voting for the law; whether the act of lending a newspaper it. He was not displeased with the gentleman which may contain any article which may be con- from Pennsylvania for furnishing him with so instrued into a defamation of the Government, or of genious a motive for his conduct. According to the President, renders a person liable to the penal- an old adage, said Mr. H. "he measures other ties of the act, or how matters, which are mere people's corn by his own bushel." He thought matters of opinion, are to be ascertained by wit-it a curious argument, that because complete innesses. The only difficulty with respect to the sedition law is as to what is its real construction. On this point, said Mr. G., I want information myself. I do not know whether any of the acts which I do myself may not come under this law; whether I may not, in writing a letter to my family to-morrow if I express any sentiment in opposition to the Administration, be deemed guilty of sedition. But reading the laws would not afford him the information he wanted.

But the gentleman has stated another ground. He has spoken of tumultuous meetings of the people, and that it is the intention of some indiividuals, and at all events their acts have that tendency, to produce an armed opposition to these

General Marshall.

vote for it.

formation could not be given to the people, they should have none. The gentleman from Pennsylvania had stated his doubts as to what facts will be cognizable by the sedition law; but he himself knew there were many who were not acquainted with its provisions. When they knew them, perhaps they might have more discernment than that gentleman; they will know that the word uttering is confined exclusively to writing, vending, or distributing, and that writing a private letter, or lending a newspaper, except the transaction is of a very suspicious nature indeed, cannot be brought within the meaning of this act.

Mr. H. denied that the Senate's bill was read in the Virginia meeting in any other sense than as the law of Congress, and complained that in sev

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Mr. N. SMITH said the motion for committing was always to give liberty for discussion, on a controverted subject. He had heard no gentleman oppose the principle, and therefore could not conceive why discussion was necessary; there had been much more said about it already than was attached to the question; amendments could be as well introduced in the House as by committing; if the gentleman was not ready, he had no objection to its postponement till to-morrow, as a day could not make much difference.

Mr. MACON said he voted for the largest number to be printed, and he wished to see a general dissemination of all the laws, to make them as publicly known as possible. But he hoped the House would not depart from its usual civility when a member requested a postponement in order to introduce amendments, to deny it him.

On the motion of Mr. VENABLE, that for committing being withdrawn, it was postponed till tomorrow, 42 votes being for it.

ADDRESS TO THE PRESIDENT.

Mr. DANA, from the committee appointed to draught a respectful Address in answer to the President's Speech, made a report, which was committed for to-morrow.

THURSDAY, December 13. PHILIP VAN CORTLANDT, from the State of New York, appeared and took his seat.

The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, accompanying sundry statements exhibiting the amount of duties arising from domestic distilled spirits and stills, for the year ending on the 30th of June, 1797; also on sales at auction, refined sugar, carriages, and retailers' licences, to the close of 1797, together with a letter from the, Commissioner of the Revenue on the subject; which were ordered to be printed.

ADDRESS TO THE PRESIDENT.

On motion of Mr. DANA, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the Address yesterday reported, in answer to the Speech of the President of the United States, and Mr. DENT having taken the Chair, the Address was read, as follows, omitting the words printed within brackets, which were added as amendments: The words printed in italics were struck out in the discussion, so that the Address to be presented to the President contains the words printed within brackets, and does not contain those printed in italies.

[H. of R.

JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States

SIR: The House of Representatives unite with you in deploring the effects of the desolating malady by which the seat of Government and other parts of our country have recently been visited. In calling our attention to the fatality of its repeated ravages, and inviting us to consider the expediency of exercising our Constitutional powers, in aid of the health laws of the respective States, your recommendation is sanctioned by the dictates of humanity and liberal policy. On this interesting subject we feel the necessity of adopting every wise expedient for preventing a calamity so distressing to individual sufferers, and so prejudicial to

our national commerce.

standing the commercial derangements resulting from That our finances are in a prosperous state, notwiththis calamity, and from external embarrassments, is a satisfactory manifestation of the great extent and so lidity of the public resources. Connected with this situation of our fiscal concerns, the assurance that the legal provisions for obtaining revenue by direct taxation will fulfil the views of the Legislature, is peculiarly acceptable.

Desirous as we are that all causes of hostility may be exterminated [removed] by the amicable adjustment of national differences, we learn with satisfaction, that in pursuance of our treaties with Spain and with Great Britain, advances have been made for definitively settling the controversies relative to the Southern and the Northeastern limits of the United States. With similar sentiments have we received your information, that the proceedings under commissions authorized by the same treaties, afford to a respectable portion of our for maritime injuries committed by subjects of those citizens, the prospect of a final decision on their claims Powers.

It would be the theme of mutual felicitation, were we assured of experiencing similar moderation and justice from another Power, [the French Republic] between whom [which] and the United States differences have unhappily arisen. But this is denied us by the ultimate failure of the measures which have been taken by this Government towards an amicable adjustment of those differences, and by the various inadmissible pretensions on the part of that nation.

The continuing in force the decree of January last, to which you have more particularly pointed our attention, ought, of itself, to be considered as demonstrative of the real intentions of the French Government. That decree proclaims a predatory warfare against the unquestionable rights of actual commerce; which [with] our means of defence, our interest and our honor, command us to repel. It therefore now becomes the United States to be as determined in resistance as they have been patient in suffering, and condescending in nego

tiation.

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of territorial defence to every part of our maritime frontier, an adequate naval force must be considered as an important object of national policy. Nor do we hesitate to adopt the opinion, that, whether negotiations with France are resumed or not, vigorous preparations for war will be alike indispensable.

[DECEMBER, 1798.

of liberty and happiness; and, considering the French as having abused the name of liberty for the purpose of despotism, he was unwilling to apply the phrase to them.

Mr. RUTLEDGE replied, that however the form of the French Government may differ from our In this conjuncture of affairs, while with you we reown, they choose to call themselves a Republic, cognise our abundant cause of gratitude to the Supreme and our Government has so acknowledged them; Disposer of events for the ordinary blessings of Provi-and if we meant to treat with them, for the accomdence, we regard, as of high national importance, the modation of our present differences-an event manifestation, in our country, of a magnanimous spirit which all must ardently desire-he believed it of resistance to foreign domination. This spirit merits to be cherished and invigorated by every branch of would be necessary to consider them as a ReGovernment, as the estimable pledge of national pros- therefore, the term ought now to be used. public, and treat them as such. He thought,

perity and glory.

Disdaining a reliance on foreign protection, wanting no foreign guarantee of our liberties, resolving to maintain our national independence against every attempt to despoil us of this inestimable treasure, we confide, under Providence, in the patriotism and energies of the people of these United States for defeating the hostile enterprises of any foreign Power.

To adopt with prudent foresight such systematical measures as may be expedient for calling forth those energies wherever the national exigencies may require, whether on the ocean, or on our own territory-and to reconcile with the proper security of revenue, the convenience of the mercantile enterprise, on which so great a proportion of the public resources depends--are objects of moment, which shall be duly regarded in the

course of our deliberations.

The question on the amendment was put and carried, there being 49 votes in favor of it.

Mr. HARPER suggested the propriety of striking out the following words, which were a part of the designation, rendered unnecessary by this amendment.

Mr. DANA objected to this amendment. It would make some farther alterations necessary, and he thought the paragraph would stand as well without it.

The motion was put and negatived.

which for "whom," in the same paragraph.
Mr. RUTLEDGE proposed to substitute the word

Mr. GORDON moved to amend the last paragraph, by striking out the word "acquiescence," and to insert in its place approbation, which he thought a more accurate expression. Agreed to.

Mr. DANA proposed to add the word with in the fifth paragraph; which was agreed to.

Fully as we accord with you in the opinion, that the United States ought not to submit to the humiliation of sending another Minister to France, without previous assurances sufficiently determinate that he will be duly accredited, we have heard, with cordial acquiescence, Mr. HARPER suggested a verbal amendment at [approbation] the declaration of your purpose, steadily the close of the last paragraph, viz: instead of the to observe those maxims of humane and pacific policy words "as free and independent," to insert "as a by which the United States have hitherto been gov-free and independent nation." Agreed to. erned. While it is left with France to take the requisite steps for accommodation, it is worthy the Chief Magistrate of a free people, to make known to the world, that justice on the part of France will annihilate every obstacle to the restoration of a friendly intercourse, and that the Executive authority of this country will respect the sacred rights of embassy. At the same time, the wisdom and decision, which have characterized your past Administration, assure us that no illusory professions will seduce you into any abandonment of the rights which belong to the United States as [a] free and independent [nation.]

The Clerk having read the Address. it was again read by the Chairman by paragraphs.

Mr. RUTLEDGE moved to strike out of the fourth paragraph the words another Power," and to insert in their place the words French Republic. The present words appeared to him a circuitous mode of expression, which he thought unnecessary. As the other two Powers with which the United States had had disputes of a less serious nature than with France. were mentioned by name, he thought the French Republic should

also be named.

Mr. DANA was perfectly willing to have the passage so expressed as to be pointed directly to France; but he had an objection to the application of the term Republic to that Government, as with the term of Republic, he associated the idea

Mr. SPRAGUE wished to alter the phraseology in the sixth paragraph, from "their conduct forbids us to confide," to "there is no ground for confidence;" but this motion was not seconded.

The committee rose, and reported the amendments to the House, which were agreed to, and on the quesion being put on the Address as amended, it was agreed to unanimously.

Mr. THATCHER wished, as no objection was made Journals as unanimously agreed to; but, on the to the Address, that it might be entered on the SPEAKER declared it not carried. question being put, a few noes being heard, the

The usual resolution was then passed, that the SPEAKER, attended by the House, do present the Address, and that a Committee be appointed to wait upon the President, to know when and where he will be pleased to receive the same.

Messrs. DANA, VENABLE, and HARPER, were appointed a committee for this purpose. They waited upon the President accordingly, and Mr. DANA reported that the President would receive the Address to-morrow, at his own house, at twelve o'clock.

IMPEACHMENT OF WILLIAM BLOUNT. Mr. HARPER said, he had been requested, in the absence of Mr. BAYARD, (the present Chairman of the Committee) to move that an additional mem

DECEMBER, 1798.]

Answer of the President-President's Speech.

ber be added to the Managers for conducting the impeachment against William Blount, late a Senator of the United States, in the place of Mr. SIGREAVES, who had resigned his seat in this House.

The motion was agreed to, and the House proceeded to ballot for an additional member. The Totes having been told by Messrs. EVANS and WADSWORTH, it appeared that there were 18 votes for Mr. KITTERA, 14 for Mr. J. WILLIAMS, and the rest so much scattered, that no member had a majority of votes. A fresh ballot was according ly made, when there appeared for Mr. KITTERA, 38 votes, Mr. J. WILLIAMS 14, the rest scattering. Mr. K. was accordingly declared elected.

A message was received from the Senate notifying the House that the Senate had caused a summons to be issued on the 3d of March last, against William Blount, to appear at the bar of the Senate on the third Monday in the present December, to answer to charges of high crimes and misdemeanors committed against the United States, which had been duly served upon him by the Sergeant-at-Arms, and a return thereof made to the Secretary of the Senate.

STATE BALANCES.

Mr. HARPER called up the resolution, which he yesterday laid upon the table, respecting balances due from the debtor States. The House went into a committee upon it, and it was agreed to without debate or objection, and a bill ordered to be reported accordingly.

[H. or R.

he hoped, if it was printed, that there would be a sufficient number of copies ordered to serve for several years. He wished the Clerk to be asked whether there were not a sufficiency of copies in hand.

The SPEAKER answered that the Clerk would inquire what copies are on hand.

ANSWER OF THE PRESIDENT. The hour having arrived at which the PRESIDENT had appointed to receive the Address of this House in answer to his Speech to both Houses, the SPEAKER announced it, and the House withdrew for the purpose of presenting the Address.

In about a quarter of an hour, the members returned; when, the SPEAKER, having taken his Chair, proceeded to read the answer to their Address a copy of which had been put into his hand by the PRESIDENT. It was as follows: To the House of Representatives of the United States:

to the House of Representatives of the United States, GENTLEMEN: My sincere acknowledgments are due for this excellent Address, so consonant to the character of Representatives of a great and free people. The judgment and feelings of a nation, I believe, were never more truly expressed by their Representatives than that with our means of defence, our interest and honor those of our constituents, by your decided declaration, command us to repel a predatory warfare against the unquestionable rights of a neutral commerce. That it becomes the United States to be as determined in resistance as they have been patient in suffering and condescending in negotiation. That, while those who direct the affairs of France persist in the enforcement of decrees so hostile to our essential rights, their conduct Several other members, to wit: JAMES COCH- forbids us to confide in any of their professions of amiBAN, from New York; WILLIAM MATTHEWS, from an important object of national policy; and that, whether ty; that an adequate naval force must be considered as Maryland; JOSIAH PARKER, from Virginia; and negotiations with France are resumed or not, vigorous THOMAS PINCKNEY, from South Carolina, appear-preparations for war will be alike indispensable. ed, and took their seats in the House.

FRIDAY, December 14.

UNIFORM BANKRUPTCY.

Mr. SEWALL, from the committee appointed to prepare and report a bill providing a uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States, reported a bill, which, being a copy of the one before the House, at the last session, was not read, but after reading the title, committed to a Committee of the Whole, and made the order for Monday.

The generous disdain you so coolly and deliberately express, of a reliance on foreign protection, wanting no foreign guaranty of our liberties, resolving to maintain our national independence against every attempt to despoil us of this inestimable treasure, will meet the full approbation of every sound understanding, and exulting applauses from the heart of every faithful American.

I thank you, gentlemen, for your candid approbation of my sentiments on the subject of negotiation, and for the declaration of your opinion, that the policy of extending and invigorating our measures of defence, and Mr. HARTLEY supposed, as there are several new the adoption with prudent foresight of such systematical members in the House this session, and as some of measures as may be expedient for calling forth the enthe old members might not have preserved their ergies of our country, wherever the national exigencies copies of this bill, that it would be necessary to be may require, whether on the ocean or on our own terprinted. He therefore made a motion for the pur-ritory, will demand your most sedulous attention.

pose.

Mr. MACON doubted not the Clerk would be able to furnish the new members with copies of the old edition; if so, he hoped it would not be again printed. He believed the various bills which had been reported from session to session, had already cost the United States more than a thousand pounds, for, when he came first to Congress, he found the subject before the House, and it had remained here ever since; and, as he had no idea of its passing during the present session,

At the same time, I take the liberty to assure you, it shall be my vigilant endeavor, that no illusory professions shall seduce me into an abandonment of the rights which belong to the United States, as a free and independent nation.

JOHN ADAMS.
UNITED STATES, December 14, 1798.
PRESIDENT'S SPEECH.
The reading of the President's Answer being
finished,

Mr. HARPER moved that the House go into a

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Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, for the purpose of taking up the President's Speech; which motion being agreed to, and the committee formed, he proposed the following resolutions:

[DECEMBER, 1798.

references; but that they ought to be made in the House.

Mr. HARPER did not approve of the course proposed by the gentleman from Virginia, as when a positive affirmative proposition is proposed in the 1. Resolved, As the opinion of this committee, that first instance, it never fails to produce a premature so much of the Speech of the President of the United discussion. This had been heretofore complained States, to both Houses of Congress, at the commence- of, and at the last session the mode which he now ment of the present session, as relates to the expediency proposed was adopted; a select committee reports of establishing suitable regulations in aid of the health in detail, and the House can act more understandlaws of the respective States, for preventing the intro-ingly in this way than when called to vote upon duction of contagious diseases, be referred to a commit- an abstract proposition. tee, with power to report by bill or otherwise.

2. That so much of the said Speech as relates to the extending and invigorating the measures of defence heretofore adopted by the Government of the United States, be referred to a committee.

3. That so much of the said Speech as relates to the Naval Establishment, and to the augmentation of the Navy, and the adoption of systematic measures for procuring timber and other supplies, be referred to a committee.

4. That so much of the said Speech as relates to a revision of the system by which the collection of that part of the revenue which arises from duties on merchandises imported, is now regulated, be referred to a Committee of Commerce and Manufactures.

The first resolution was taken up; when Mr. DAYTON said, he could see no reason why this resolution ought not to be referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, as well as the last, since the power of Congress to act on this subject, is derived from their power to regulate commerce.

The question was put upon the resolution and carried.

The second, third, and fourth resolutions, were agreed to without debate.

The committee then rose, and the House took up and concurred in the resolutions.

GOODRICH, Mr. SAMUEL SMITH, Mr. CHAMPLIN,
Ordered, That Mr. Oris, Mr. RUTLEDGE, Mr.
Mr. SPAIGHT, and Mr. DENT, be appointed a com-
mittee pursuant to the second resolution.

Ordered, That Mr. JOSIAH PARKER, Mr. PINCK-
NEY, Mr. SEWALL, Mr. CHAMPLIN, Mr. BALDWIN,
Mr. GRISWOLD, and Mr. VAN CORTLANDT, be ap-
pointed a committee, pursuant to the third reso-
Îution.

That part of the report of the Committee of Revisal and Unfinished Business was next taken up and agreed to, which proposes that all petitions depending and undecided in the last session, ought to be taken up and acted upon as they may be called for by any member, or upon the application of the individual claimant or petitioner.

CENSUS.

Mr. DAWSON moved for the appointment of a committee to bring in a bill for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States.

Mr. HARPER had no doubt the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures was as well selected for the purpose of acting on this subject as any other committee would be; but he could see no connexion between the preservation of health and the regulation of commerce. It was true, that Mr. HARPER suggested the propriety of letting regulations for this purpose might ultimately have this subject lie until a Committee of Ways and some effect on commerce, and therefore it is pro- Means was appointed, as a bill of a similar kind per that the proposed measures should be taken originated with that committee at the last session, by Congress, but this does not necessarily connect and there would be propriety in letting the busithe two subjects. He was not, however, tenaciousness have the same course at present. as to the mode he had proposed, but thought it Mr. DAWSON had no objection. the best.

Mr. DAYTON moved to amend the resolution by making the reference to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures; as the gentleman from South Carolina himself, though he had at first denied any connexion between commerce and this subject, afterwards showed the connexion to be intimate.

COMMITTEE OF WAYS AND MEANS. Mr. HARPER moved for the appointment of a Committee of Ways and Means, agreeably to the standing rules and orders of the House. The motion was agreed to.

He then moved that the said committee consist of nine members.

Mr. NICHOLAS hoped, as this is a very import

Mr. MACON thought it would be best to leave the resolution blank, and let the reference be de-ant committee, it would consist of sixteen, which termined in the House. If the subject was re- is a member from every State of the Union. ferred at all, it certainly ought to go to the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures. The question on the amendment was put and carried.

The question returning to the resolution,

Mr. VENABLE Suggested to the mover of this resolution, the propriety of modifying it, so as that the Committee of the Whole might determine merely upon the principle. He thought it improper for a Committee of the Whole to make

Mr. HARPER objected to this on the ground of its being difficult to get so large a number of members together to do business, stating also the idea as fallacious that there was more complete knowledge on fiscal matters in so numerous a committee than in a smaller, as wherever information was wanted from States not represented in the committee, it was always easily obtained by inquiries of the members from those States.

After the remarks of several members, which

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