saintly soul is flown

Where tears are wiped from every eye, and sorrow is unknown;

From the burthen of the flesh, and from care and fear releas'd,

if Christ was then precious to him? He" Brother, thou art gone before us, and thy immediately replied, "He is precious! He is my heaven, iny all!" and soon after tranquilly breathed his spirit into the hands of Him who "is in the midst of the throne, who shall feed his saints, and shall lead them unto living fountains of water, and wipe away all tears Falmouth. from their eyes."

Where the wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest."

GLEANINGS.

RELIGIOUS DISA BILITIES.

Extracts from a Debate in the House of Commons on Friday, the 8th of May, 1789, occasioned by Mr. Beaufoy's Motion for the repeal of such parts of the Test and Corporation Acts, as affect the Protestant Dissenters.

as from the strong: that the same temper had marked their subsequent conduct; for however sensibly they felt the hardship of continuing subject, though guiltless of offence, to such disabilities, and to such dishonour, as few offences can deserve; yet they had not indulged the language of complaint, nor had they sought the aid of poli"Mr. Beaufoy opened his speech with antical alliances, or endeavoured to avail themaccount of the reasons which had induced selves of party divisions: much more the Dissenters to renew their application to elevated had been their line of conduct; parliament, and with a few remarks on the for they had patiently waited the arrival temperate conduct which had distinguished of a period in which the wisdom of a comtheir proceedings. He observed that, not-plete toleration should be generally acknowwithstanding their former disappointment, ledged, and in which the experience of their confidence in the general disposition other nations should have proved that such of the house to do justice to the injured, and to give relief to the oppressed, bad suffered no diminution: that they were sensible how difficult it was, even for the best and wisest men, to relinquish, on the evidence of a single debate, the prejudices which misinformation bad led them to adopt : that they could not but recollect how often "It is not," he observed, by the tenets the legislature had granted, as in the case of any individual, however respectable, but of the Dissenting Ministers, the very re- by the spirit of their general conduct, by the quests which causeless apprehensions had settled tenour of their actions, that public before induced them to refuse; and that societies ought ever to be tried; and meathey could not but hope that, as their merit sured by that standard, whether as faithful as citizens was acknowledged, they might and affectionate supporters of his Majesty's venture, without offence, a second time to illustrious house, as citizens, zealous for solicit, from the natural guardians of all the constitution of their country, or as prodescriptions of people, a candid and im-testants, who, in doubtful and difficult partial hearing.

"He reminded the House that, in their former application, the dissenters, far from wishing by a multitude of petitions to display their numbers and political consequence in the state, had placed their reliance on a plea to which numbers give no additional strength for they knew that, to to the ear of a British Parliament, the voice of justice ascends with as much effect from the few as from the many, from the feeble

a toleration would strengthen the interest of the established Church, and so entirely destroy the bitterness of religious variance that the state would afterwards be as little affected by that variance as by a difference of opinion in natural philosophy or any other speculative science.

emergencies, have proved themselves friends to the established church, the dissenters will be found on a level with the most distinguished of their fellow-subjects.

"Such are the men who are anxious to throw themselves once more on the justice and liberality of Parliament; persuaded that the House will forgive the natural solicitude of Englishmen to be freed from undeserved degradation and unmerited dishonour; from a dishonour which lessens

the use, in proportion as it diminishes the lustre, of virtue; from a degradation that not only deprives them of the common privileges of subjects, but that also bereaves them of a right which belongs to them as men- the right of defending their fortunes, their liberties, and their lives."

The Speaker further argued that these obnoxious statutes were not intended to apply to the dissenters; but were aimed, exclusively, at the catholics.

"After these preliminary remarks, Mr. Beaufoy, proceeded to a specific statement of the dissenters' case, which involved in it two different questions,-1st. Have the dissenters a right, in common with their fellow-subjects, to the usual privileges and general benefits of citizenship?-2dly. If they have this right, what benefit does their exclusion from the enjoyment of its produce to the church or state?

the consequences which follow from these melancholy facts? Ungracious, and, perhaps, unexpected as the conclusion is, we are compelled, by the evidence of truths which we cannot dispute, to acknowledge that the pretended toleration of the dissenters is a real persecution-a persecution which deprives them of a part of their civil rights, and which, with the same justice, and on the same plea, might equally deprive them of the rest-a persecution which denies them the management of their property, and which, with the same justice, and on the same plea, might equally take from them the property itself-a persecution which deprives them of the right of defending their liberties and lives, and which, with the same justice, and on precisely the same plea, might equally deprive them both of liberty and life. If one degree of persecution may be justified, another degree of it, under different circumstances, may be justified also. Let but the principle be once admitted, and the inquisitions of Portugal and Spain cease to be objects either of ridicule or abhorrence."

We regret that our limits will not allow us to follow the course of Mr. B.'s argument, in reference to the second of the two questions, he had stated, viz: what advantage, to the church or state, results from refusing to dissenters the common privileges of citizens? The following short appeal to fact is a volume of evidence on this subject.

"If the first of these questions were proposed to the consideration of a foreigner, he would naturally ask, 'What are these dissenters, that their right to the common privileges of citizens should be disputed? Are they slaves to the rest of the community, or are they offenders who have forfeited their privileges by their crimes; or are they persons who, from their religious tenets, are unable, or, from disaffection to the state, are unwilling, to give the usual and necessary pledges of civil obedience ?'-Not as slaves to the rest of the community do we deny them the usual privileges of citizens; for, thanks to the spirit of our ancestors, there "In every kingdom, and in every repubis in Great Britain no such description of lic of Europe, a national Church is estamen!-Not as criminals do we exclude blished; but no one of those states, England them from the enjoyment of their rights; and Ireland excepted, ever yet had recourse for of the millions of subjects who inhabit to the impolitic, as well as unjust and unthe kingdom, there are none of more un-natural, expedient of a Sacramental Test tainted integrity, or of more unquestionable for civil and military employments. Ireland honour. Not as persons who are unable has seen the folly of such a conduct; and, or unwilling to give a sufficient pledge of avowedly with a view of strengthening her their obedience to the state do we reject established church, has repealed her Test and them; for such is the satisfaction we feel in Corporation Laws, and restored to the disthe pledges they give of their attachment; senters the possession of their rights. such is our reliance upon the oaths which they are at all times willing to take, that, without hesitation or reserve, we admit them to the highest of all trusts, that of legislative power; but the real ground on which we refuse them the rights and privileges, which their fellow-citizens enjoy, is, their presuming to think that in those concerns of religion which relate not to actions, but opinions, it is every man's duty, as it is every man's right, to follow the dictates of his own understanding.

"If then these persecuting statutes are defensible at all, their defence must be found in the interests of the state alope.What on this subject were the sentiments of our great deliverer King William the Third, what were the sentiments of the first of his Majesty's illustrious house who wore the crown of Great Britain, we fortunately know; for the journals of parliament have informed us how much they lamented that so many of their loyal and affectionate subjects should be excluded from their "Such disabilities, so imposed, are service. But the language of things is naked, and undissembled wrongs; and still stronger than that of those illustrious wrongs inflicted for religious opinions merely men; for who, without astonishment, can constitute persecution. For what is perse- reflect that a large proportion of the cution, but injuries inflicted for a religious commercial part of the community is exbelief? it is its genuine definition, its just cluded, by law, from all share in the maand accurate description. What then arenagement of its most important commercial

concerns? Or who, without indignation, can hear that a considerable part of his Majesty's most faithful people cannot bear arms, in the defence of his rights and of their own, without being liable to penalties that strip them at once of all that is important to the citizen, or that is valuable to the man?

of humanity, is the language of those sta-
tutes, that the most depraved informer, the
most inveterate practiser on the fortunes and
lives of his fellow-subjects, will not take
upon himself the odium of their execution?
Rather than accept the monstrious bribe by
which the legislature invites him to ruin the
fortune of innocent and deserving citizens,
rather than accept the enormous wealth by
which the legislature tempts him to bring on
the best men punishments due only to the
worst, rather than cancel that great bond of
nature which unites the parent to his off-
spring, the ruffian, who is in want of bread,
resolves, at the hazard of his life, to seek
it on the highway; for the deed to which
the legislature would urge him, exceeds the
measure of his depravity. Shall we then
consider these statues as harmless, because
they are too wicked for execution? Is this
to be our assurance that they will not be
made as oppressive in their use as they are
ferocious in their intent? It is too frail a
reliance, it is too iufirm a security. If there
be persons, and I know there are many, who
have borne commissions in the army without
the sacramental qualification: If there be
any who have taken a part in the manage-
ment of the Bank of England, of the East
India Company, or of any of the other char-
tered companies of the kingdom, or who in
the present, or in the late, administration,
have accepted of offices of trust without
this legal requisite of the Lord's supper,
let me entreat them to recollect to what ter-
rible penalties they are at this very hour ex-
posed, penalties from which, if the informer
be diligent, the Indemnity Act, in many
cases, will be too slow to save them.
may be their situation even though they
should be willing to correct their former
omission, and receive the sacrament. But
if as dissenters, or as members of the
Church of Scotland, or as men who, for
other reasons, are unwilling to mix the
sacred ordinances of religion with their tem-

"When the kingdom, a few years since, was assailed by the adherents of another claimant to the crown; when the faith of a large proportion of the people was dubious; when the loyalty of many of those who were near the person of the king was thought to be tainted, and terror had palsied, even more than corruption had seduced; what was the conduct of the protestant dissenters in England? To say that of the multitudes who composed their various society, there was not one man, not a single individual, who joined the enemies of his Majesty's house, (unexampled as this proof of their loyalty was) is, however, to speak but the smallest part of their praise. For, at the very time when the armies of the state had been repeatedly discomfited; at the very time when those, who reached at his Majesty's crown, were in possession of the centre of the kingdom; at the very time when Britain, unable to rely on her native strength, and hourly trembling for her safety, had solicited foreign aid at that very time the dissenters, regardless of the dreadful penalties of the law, and, anxious for their country alone, eagerly took arms: and what was their reward? As soon as the danger was passed by, they were compelled to solicit the protection of that general mercy which was extended to the very rebels against whom they fought; they were obliged to shelter themselves under that act of grace which was granted to the very trailors from whose arms they had defended the crown and life of their sovereign. It was thus only that they escaped those dreadful penalties of the sacramental laws which they had incurred by their zeal, and which the irri-poral pursuits, they cannot bend their contated friends of the rebellion were impatient to bring down upon their heads. Is it for the advantage of the state that the difference in the situations of the loyal subject and of the rebel should be so extremely small?

"To the disgrace of our statutes, to the dishonour of the British name, to the reproach of humanity, these persecuting statutes are still unrepealed. Perhaps I shall be told, that however oppressive in speculation their injustice may be thought, instances of their active oppression have seldom been experienced; for however frequent trespasses upon their enactments are, informations against the trespassers have seldom been exhibited. Shall such a defence be urged in behalf of the statutes of a British Parliament ? What is it but to say, that so flagrant is the injustice, so unqualified is the oppression, so hostile to every feeling

Such

sciences to the compulsive performance of this solemn act, then let me entreat them to consider that the Indemnity Bill will in no case afford them the least protection: it will be in the power of every man, whom their virtue may have made their enemy, to grapple with their peace it will be in the power of every man whom avarice, or animosity, or private revenge, may prompt to deeds of ill; of every man who has an interest to serve, or a passion to gratify, at once to bring down such ruin on their heads as will make them objects of compassion to the poorest and meanest of their fellow-subjects"*

*We had intended giving some extracts from the speech of Mr. Fox on this occasion, but must reserve them for our next Number.

INTELLIGENCE.

DOMESTIC.

REFORMATION SOCIETY.

Two meetings have been held by this Society at Freemasons' Hall, during the past month, which have excited considerable inThe first took place on Tuesday the 12th of February. Its object was the formation of an Auxiliary Society for the dis

terest.

trict of St. Giles.

and the Rev. Mr. Spooner (a Catholic Clergyman), who stated that he was born a Protestant, but had left the religion of his fathers, from conviction of its error, and embraced Catholicism, The amendment proposed and seconded by those gentlemen was lost, and the original motion carried.

resumed. We regret that our limits will not allow us to place the speeches delivered on these interesting occasions before our readers. The chairman observed, that whatever had been the original intention in calling that meeting together, it had virtually turned into a meeting for the discussion of the principles of Protestantism and Popery. This was the first meeting that he knew of that had been held in England, though several had been held in Ireland, and had been conducted uniformly in harmony and decorum.

The Rev. H. M'Neil and Henry Pownall, Esq. advocated the Protestant cause, and Mr. Murphy, a Catholic Layman, replied, after which the meeting was adjourned to Henry Drummond, Esq. having been una-Tuesday the 19th, when the discussion was nimously voted to the chair, rose and said, that being called upon unexpectedly in consequence of the illness of Lord Roden, to take the chair upon that occasion, he could unfeignedly say, that he never presided at any meeting in his life so little to his own satisfaction. To deny that he had strong feelings upon the question at issue, between Protestants and Catholics, would be to deny the truth; but he thought, holding the station in which they had placed him, it would not be fit for him to express his opinion. He must allude to the objects of the Society generally, which was to confine itself to The conduct of the chairman on this that part of the question at issue between difficult occasion was dignified and imparProtestants and Papists, connected with tial. Rev. H. M'Niel defended the Protheir religious differences. He said part, testant side of the question with his accusbecause however they might attempt to deny tomed boldness and energy, and the Rev. it, it was impossible not to admit that Mr. Marsh, who is, we believe, a clergyman throughout Ireland, at least, and a great at Colchester, expressed his sentiments in part of England, the word Protestantism reply to his Catholic opponents in a speech did include political considerations. Al-judicious, liberal, and Christian-like. though he certainly differed widely from the opinions of the Roman Catholics, he expressed himself no less at variance on the political part of the question with many of the friends of the Church of England. He must observe, that this meeting was looked upon by Roman Catholics with considerable suspicion, and he could not be surprised at it, when he remembered how many meetings had been held under the same name, when in reality they were nothing but political intrigues.

The Secretary read a Report which had been drawn up, stating the dreadful moral condition of St. Giles', and the modes by which it was proposed to mitigate it.

Viscount Mandeville moved the first resolution, that this meeting deem it expedient to form this institution, &c. which was seconded by the Rev. William Meyers, a Jew, who about four years ago, had upon that platform declared his belief in the doctrines of Christianity.

The motion was opposed by Mr. Richard O'Connel, a barrister of Lincoln's Inn, nephew to the noted individual of that name,

ORDINATIONS, &c.

PAULTON, SOMERSET.

On Thursday Dec. 27, 1827, a new Baptist Meeting was opened at Paulton, near Temple Cloud, Somerset. The Rev. Mr. Robinson, Wesleyan minister, commenced the morning service by reading the Scriptures and prayer; and the Rev. Mr. Leifchild of Bristol, preached from Gal. iv. 26. and concluded with prayer. In the afternoon the Rev. Mr. Newman of Frome read the Scriptures and prayed; the Rev. Mr. Aitchinson of Bratton preached from Ps. cxxxiii. and the Rev. Mr. Ayres of Keynsham concluded with prayer. In the evening the Rev. Mr. Gilson of Chelwood read the Scriptures and prayed; the Rev. Mr. Jay of Bath preached from 2 Tim. ii. 8. ; and

A full report of them will be found in The World newspaper for the 20th and 27th of last month.

the Rev. Mr. Lewis concluded with prayer. | portance, the introduction of them rather The congregations were numerous, respect- after date will not be deemed unseasonable, and attentive, and in the evening the able. place was crowded to excess. The services of the day were peculiarly interesting and impressive, and distinguished by the prevalency of Scriptural catholicism, kind expressions, and liberal contributions. On the following Lord's-day, the congregation was favoured with the kind services of the Rev. J. Murrell of Leicester.