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the indignities which were heaped upon Shylock; for in the very strongest way he has made the Jew remember the insult in the progress of his wild revenge :—

"Thou call'dst me dog, before thou hadst a

cause:

But, since I am a dog, beware my fangs."

Here, to our minds, is the first of the lessons of charity which this play teaches. Antonio is as much to be pitied for his prejudices as the Jew for his. They had both been nurtured in evil opinions. They had both been surrounded by influences which more or less held in subjection their better natures. The honoured Christian is as intolerant as the despised Jew. The one habitually pursues with injustice the subjected man that he has been taught to loathe; the other, in the depths of his subtle obstinacy, seizes upon the occasion to destroy the powerful man that he has been compelled to fear. The companions of Antonio exhibit, more or less, the same reflection of the prejudices which have become to them a second nature. They are not so gross in their prejudices as Launcelot, to whom "the Jew is the very devil incarnation." But to Lorenzo, who is about to marry his daughter, Shylock is a "faithless Jew." When the unhappy father is bereft of all that constituted the solace of his home, and before he has manifested that spirit of revenge which might well call for indignation and contempt, he is to the gentlemanly Solanio "the villain Jew," and "the dog Jew." When the unhappy man speaks of his daughter's flight, he is met with a brutal jest on the part of Salarino, who, within his own circle, is the pleasantest of men;-"I, for my part, knew the tailor that made the wings she flew withal." We can understand the reproaches that are heaped upon Shylock in the trial scene as something that might come out of the depths of any passion-stirred nature: but the habitual contempt with which he is treated by men who in every other respect are gentle and good-humoured and benevolent is a proof to us that Shakspere meant to represent the struggle that must inevitably ensue, in a condition of society where the innate sense of justice is deadened

in the powerful by those hereditary prejudices which make cruelty virtue; and where the powerless, invested by accident with the means of revenge, say with Shylock, "The villainy you teach me I will execute; and it shall go hard but I will better the instruction." The climax of this subjection of our higher and better natures to conventional circumstances is to be found in the character of the Jew's daughter. Young, agreeable, intelligent, formed for happiness, she is shut up by her father in a dreary solitude. One opposed to her in creed gains her affections; and the ties which bind the father and the child are broken for ever. But they are not broken without compunction :—

"Alack! what heinous sin is it in me

To be ashamed to be my father's child!" This is nature. But when she has fled from him, robbed him, spent fourscore ducats in one night, given his turquoise for a monkey, and, finally, revealed his secrets, with an evasion of the ties that bound them which makes one's flesh creep,—

"When I was with him,"

we see the poor girl plunged into the most wretched contest between her duties and her

pleasures by the force of external circumstances. We grant, then, to all these our compassion; for they commit injustice ignorantly, and through a force which they cannot withstand. Is the Jew himself not to be measured by the same rule? We believe that it was Shakspere's intention so to mea

sure him.

formance of Shylock,— When Pope exclaimed of Macklin's per

"This is the Jew

That Shakspere drew!" the higher philosophy of Shakspere was little appreciated. Macklin was, no doubt, from all traditionary report of him, perfectly capable of representing the subtlety of the Jew's malice and the energy of his revenge. But it is a question with us whether he perceived, or indeed if any actor ever efficiently represented, the more delicate traits of character that lie beneath these two great

passions of the Jew's heart. Look, for example, at the extraordinary mixture of the personal and the national in his dislike of Antonio. He hates him for his gentle

manners:

"How like a fawning publican he looks!'

He hates him, "for he is a Christian ;"-he hates him, for that "he lends out money gratis;”—but he hates him more than all,

because

"He hates our sacred nation."

It is this national feeling which, when carried in a right direction, makes a patriot and a hero, that assumes in Shylock the aspect of a grovelling and fierce personal revenge. He has borne insult and injury "with a patient shrug ;" but ever in small matters he has been seeking retribution:—

"I am not bid for love; they flatter me:
But yet I'll go in hate, to feed upon
The prodigal Christian."

The mask is at length thrown off-he has the Christian in his power; and his desire of revenge, mean and ferocious as it is, rises into sublimity, through the unconquerable energy of the oppressed man's wilfulness. "I am a Jew: Hath not a Jew eyes? hath not a Jew hands, organs, dimensions, senses, affections, passions? fed with the same food, hurt with the same weapons, subject to the same diseases, healed by the same means, warmed and cooled by the same winter and summer, as a Christian is? If you prick us, do we not bleed? if you tickle us, do we not laugh? if you poison us, do we not die? and, if you wrong us, shall we not revenge? If we are like you in the rest, we will resemble you in that." It is impossible, after this exposition of his feelings, that we should not feel that he has properly cast the greater portion of the odium which belongs to his actions upon the social circumstances by which he has been hunted into madness. He has been made the thing he is by society. In the extreme wildness of his anger, when he utters the harrowing imprecation,—“ I would my daughter were dead at my foot, and the jewels in her ear! 'would she were hearsed at my foot, and the ducats in her

coffin," the tenderness that belongs to our common humanity, even in its most passionate forgetfulness of the dearest ties, comes across him in the remembrance of the mother of that execrated child :-" Out upon her! Thou torturest me, Tubal: it was my turquoise; I had it of Leah when I was a bachelor."

It is in the conduct of the trial scene

that, as it appears to us, is to be sought the concentration of Shakspere's leading idea in the composition of this drama. The merchant stands before the Jew a better and a wiser man than when he called him "dog:""I do oppose

My patience to his fury; and am arm'd To suffer, with a quietness of spirit, The very tyranny and rage of his." Misfortune has corrected the influences which, in happier moments, allowed him to forget the gentleness of his nature, and to heap unmerited abuse upon him whose badge was sufferance. The Jew is unchanged. But, if Shakspere in the early scenes made us entertain some compassion for his wrongs, he has now left him to bear all the indignation which we ought to feel against one capable of pity." But we cannot despise the Jew. His intellectual vigour rises supreme over the mere reasonings by which he is opposed. He defends his own injustice by the example of as great an injustice of every-day occurrence-and no one ventures to answer him :—

66

un

"You have among you many a purchas'd slave, Which, like your asses, and your dogs, and mules,

You use in abject and in slavish parts, Because you bought them: Shall I say to you, Let them be free, marry them to your heirs? Why sweat they under burthens? let their beds

Be made as soft as yours, and let their palates Be season'd with such viands? You will

answer,

The slaves are ours:-So do I answer you.
The pound of flesh, which I demand of him,
Is dearly bought; 't is mine, and I will
have it:

If you deny me, fie upon your law!"

It would have been exceedingly difficult for

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the Merchant to have escaped from the power of the obdurate man, so strong in the letter of the law, and so resolute to carry it out by the example of his judges in other matters, had not the law been found here, as in most other cases, capable of being bent to the will of its administrators. Had it been the inflexible thing which Shylock required it to be, a greater injustice would have been committed than the Jew had finally himself to suffer. Mrs. Jameson has very justly and ingeniously described the struggle which Portia had to sustain in abandoning the high ground which she took in her great address to the Jew ;-" She maintains at first a calm self-command, as one sure of carrying her point in the end: yet the painful heartthrilling uncertainty in which she keeps the whole court, until suspense verges upon agony, is not contrived for effect merely; it is necessary and inevitable. She has two objects in view: to deliver her husband's friend, and to maintain her husband's honour by the discharge of his just debt, though paid out of her own wealth ten times over. It is evident that she would rather owe the safety of Antonio to anything rather than the legal quibble with which her cousin Bellario has armed her, and which she reserves as a last resource. Thus all the speeches addressed to Shylock, in the first instance, are either direct or indirect experiments on his temper and feelings. She must be understood, from the beginning to the end, as examining with intense anxiety the effect of her own words on his mind and countenance; as watching for that relenting spirit which she hopes to awaken either by reason or persuasion."*

Had Shylock relented after that most beautiful appeal to his mercy, which Shakspere has here placed as the exponent of the higher principle upon which all law and right are essentially dependent, the real moral of the drama would have been destroyed. The weight of injuries transmitted to Shylock from his forefathers, and still heaped upon him even by the best of those by whom he was surrounded, was not so easily to become light, and to cease to exasperate his nature. Nor would it have

* Characteristics of Women, vol. i. p. 75.

been a true picture of society in the sixteenth century had the poet shown the judges of the Jew wholly magnanimous in granting him the mercy which he denied to the Christian. We certainly do not agree with the Duke, in his address to Shylock, that the conditions upon which his life is spared are imposed

"That thou shalt see the difference of our spirit.” Nor do we think that Shakspere meant to hold up these conditions as anything better than examples of the mode in which the strong are accustomed to deal with the weak. There is still something discordant in this, the real catastrophe of the drama. It could not be otherwise, and yet be true to nature.

But how artistically has the poet restored the balance of pleasureable sensations! Throughout the whole conduct of the play, what may be called its tragic portion has been relieved by the romance which belongs to the personal fate of Portia. But, after the great business of the drama is wound up, we fall back upon a repose which is truly refreshing and harmonious. From the lips of Lorenzo and Jessica, as they sit in the "paler day" of an Italian moon, are breathed the lighter strains of the most playful poetry, mingled with the highest flights of the most elevated. Music and the odours of sweet flowers are around them. Happiness is in their hearts. Their thoughts are lifted by the beauties of the earth above the earth. This delicious scene belongs to what is universal and eternal, and takes us far away from those bitter strifes of our social state which are essentially narrow and temporary. And then come the affectionate welcomes, the pretty, pouting contests, and the happy explanations of Portia and Nerissa with Bassanio and Gratiano. Here again we are removed into a sphere where the calamities of fortune, and the injustice of man warring against man, may be forgotten. The poor Merchant is once more happy. The "gentle spirit" of Portia is perhaps the happiest, for she has triumphantly concluded a work as religious as her pretended pilgrimage “by holy crosses." To use the words of Dr. Ulrici, "the sharp contrarieties of right and unright are played out."

CHAPTER V.

MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING.

'MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING was first printed in 1600. It had been entered at Stationers' Hall on the 23rd of August of the same year. The first edition is not divided into acts; but in the folio of 1623 we find this division. There was no other separate edition. The variations between the text of the quarto and that of the folio are very few. There is a remarkable peculiarity, however, in the text of the folio, which indicates very clearly that it was printed from the playhouse copy. In the second act (Scene 3) we find this stagedirection:-"Enter Prince, Leonato, Claudio, and Jack Wilson." In the third act, when the two inimitable guardians of the night first descend upon the solid earth in Messina, to move mortals for ever after with unextinguishable laughter, they speak to us in their well-known names of Dogberry and Verges; but in the fourth act we find the names of mere human actors prefixed to what they say: Dogberry becomes Kempe, and Verges Cowley. Here, then, we have a piece of the prompter's book before us. Balthazar, with his "Sigh no more, ladies, sigh no more," is identified with Jack Wilson; and Kempe and Cowley have come down to posterity in honourable association with the two illustrious " compartners of the watch." We could almost believe that the play-editors of the folio in 1623 purposely left these anomalous entries as an historical tribute to the memory of their fellows. Kempe, we know, had been dead some years before the publication of the folio; and probably Cowley and Jack Wilson had also gone where the voice of their merriment and their minstrelsy was heard

no more.

The chronology of this comedy is sufficiently fixed by the circumstance of its publication in 1600, coupled with the fact that it is not mentioned by Meres in 1598.

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"The story is taken from Ariosto," says Pope. To Ariosto then we turn; and we are repaid for our labour by the pleasure of reading that long but by no means tedious story of Genevra, which occupies the whole of the fifth book, and part of the sixth, of the Orlando Furioso.' 6 "The tale is a pretty comical matter," as Harrington quaintly pronounces it. The famous town of St. Andrew's forms its scene; and here was enacted something like that piece of villainy by which the Claudio of Shakspere was deceived, and his Hero “done to death by slanderous tongues." In Harrington's good old translation of the Orlando' there are six-and-forty pictures, as there are sixand-forty books; and, says the translator, "they are all cut in brass, and most of them by the best workmen in that kind that have been in this land this many years: yet I will not praise them too much because I gave direction for their making." The witty godson of Queen Elizabeth—"that merry poet, my godson"-adds, "the use of the picture is evident, which is, that having read over the book you may read it as it were again in the very picture." He might have said, you may read it as it were before; and if we had copied this picture,-in which the whole action of the book is exhibited at once in a bird's eye view, and where yet, as he who gave "direction for its making" truly says, "the personages of men, the shapes of horses, and such like, are made large at the bottom and lesser upward,"our readers would have seen at a glance how far "the story is taken from Ariosto." For here we have, "large at the bottom," a fair one at a window, looking lovingly upon a man who is ascending a ladder of ropes, whilst at the foot of the said ladder an unhappy wight is about to fall upon his sword, from which fate he is with difficulty arrested by one who is struggling with him.

Ariosto made this story a tale of chivalry; Spenser a lesson of high and solemn morality; Bandello an interesting love-romance. It was for Shakspere to surround the main incident with those accessories which he could nowhere borrow, and to make of it such a comedy as no other man has made—a comedy not of manners or of sentiment, but of life viewed under its profoundest aspects, whether of the grave or the ludicrous.

We here see at once the resemblance between | in Ariosto; nor is slain by her furious lover, the story in Ariosto and the incident in as in Spenser; but she is rejected, believed 'Much Ado about Nothing' upon which both to be dead, and finally married in disguise, the tragic and comic interest of the play as in ‘Much Ado about Nothing.' hinges. But here the resemblance ceases. As we ascend the picture, we see the King of Scotland seated upon a royal throne,but no Dogberry; his disconsolate daughter is placed by his side, but there is no veiled Hero; King, and Princess, and courtiers, and people, are looking upon a tilting-ground, where there is a fierce and deadly encounter of two mailed knights,—but there is no Beatrice and no Benedick. The truth is, that Ariosto found the incident of a lady betrayed to suspicion and danger, by the personation of her own waiting-woman, amongst the popular traditions of the south of Europe-this story has been traced to Spain; and he interwove it with the adventures of his Rinaldo as an integral part of his chivalrous romance. The lady Genevra, so falsely accused, was doomed to die unless a true knight came within a month to do battle for her honour. Her lover, Ariodant, had fled, and was reported to have perished. The wicked duke, Polinesso, who had betrayed Genevra, appears secure in his treachery. But the misguided woman, Dalinda, who

We request thee, O gentle reader, to imagine-for, as a lover of Shakspere, thou canst imagine-that thou wert extant in the year of grace 1600; and that on a fine summer's morning of that year, as thou wert

painfully guiding thy palfrey amongst the

deep ruts and muddy channels of Cheapside,
thou didst tarry in thy pilgrimage for a few
minutes to peruse a small printed bill affixed
upon a post, which bore something like the
following announcement :—

BY THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORD
CHAMBERLAINE HIS SERVANTS,

AT THE GLOBE THEATRE AT Bankside,

had been the instrument of his crime, flying This day, being Tuesday, July 11, 1600, will

from her paramour, meets with Rinaldo, and declares the truth; and then comes the combat, in which the guilty duke is slain by the champion of innocence, and the lover re-appears to be made happy with his spotless princess.

The motive which influences the Polinesso of Ariosto is the hope that by vilifying the character of Genevra he may get rid of his rival in her love. Spenser has told a similar story in the 'Faerie Queene' (Book II., Canto IV.), in which Phedon describes the like treachery of his false friend Philemon. The

motive here was not very unlike that of Don John in 'Much Ado about Nothing.'

The European story, which Ariosto and Spenser have thus adopted, has formed also the groundwork of one of Bandello's Italian novels. And here the wronged lady has neither her honour vindicated in battle, as

|

be acted,

MUCH ADOE ABOUT NOTHING,
WRITTEN BY WILLIAM SHAKSPERE.
This, thou seest-for thou art cognizant of
the present time as well as imaginative of
the past—is not a bill as big as a house, the
smallest letters of which are afflicted with
elephantiasis; nor is it a bill which talks of
"prodigious hit" and "thunders of ap-
plause,” nor in which you see Mr. William
Kempe's name towering in red letters above
all his fellows: but a modest, quiet, little
bill-an innocent bill-which ought not to
have provoked the abuse of the Puritans,
that "players, by sticking of their bills in
London, defile the streets with their infec-
tious filthiness." ""* In reading this bill thou
receivest especially into thy mind three
ideas which set thee thinking—the company

*Mirror of Monsters,' 1587.

R

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