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lasted till half-past three. His dexterity in managing his canoe was admirable, and he evidently shewed his ability to overcome his opponents in point of speed, by the advantages he often gave them, and which he as often redeemed. He was very cxpert in diving, which he did several times, and also in throwing his darts. When at a considerable distance from the bea con, he threw one of his darts, and struck the bulb of the beacon with the greatest certainty. He was so fastened into his seat, that he could not fall out, as a drawing, like the mouth of a purse, girds him

PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY.

CHAP. VI. Linen Trade-State of Ireland. April 24.-The House of Commons met, pursuant to adjournment.

April 25.-Foreign Linens.

April 25-Mr. Finlay made a variety of remarks on the subject of the trade in foHe was satisfied that the reign lineus present laws operated against the interests of the linen trade. When no duty was imposed on foreign linen, British and Irish linens were exported. We might carry the foreign linens to foreign countries ourScotland and Ireland were of his opinion. The most intelligent persons in He desired inquiry into the question, that he might show how far the linen interests were concerned, and therefore moved for a committee to consider the laws relative, &c.

selves.

about the loins, so that in an instant he was seen to dive under the water, head down and keel uppermost; again in the twinkling of an eye, he raised himself erect out of the water, and scudded along as if nothing had happened. A raft of wood impeded his progress down the harbour after starting, when, to the astonishment of the spectators, he crossed the raft with his canoe, and again launched into the wa-pregnant with mischief, and calculated to ter. His canoe is a very great curiosity, weighing in all 161b. He rows it by one oar, or paddle, and he is so very dexterous in managing it, that he out sails any boat with six oars. The harbour was crowded with boats, filled with elegantly dressed females. Previous to the exhibition the public had an opportunity of inspecting the canoe and the following curiosities, at a ware-room at the Wet Dock, viz. two seaunicorns' horns, the skulls of a sea horse and bear, the ear of a whale, and the preserved skin of a black eagle. The Esquimaux was dressed in the fashion of his country, from the waist downwards, in undressed seal-skins; his jacket of the same, only the undressed side inwards. He is a good-looking healthy young man, and apparently very docile.

He understands a little English, and when he overcomes the method of talking common to his country (a species of whispering), there is little doubt but that he may soon become a proficient in our language. We were astonished to hear expressions made use of to him on Thursday, by some of the crew of the ship which brought him here, exactly the same as we have heard in conversations between the natives of the interior of Africa. Happily the whole passed off without any serious accident, though several people fell into the harbour, but were got out safely, completely ducked. —( Edinburgh Paper.)

We should not be surprized, if this description were preparatory to the Esquimaux's journey to London !

Mr. V. Fitzgerald thought the motion would not be induced to give up a law excite great alarm in Ireland. The house which had proved beneficial for years, and so mainly useful to Ireland. They had just received petitions from the linen trade against certain duties, in which he believed the fears of the manufacturers were unfounded; but it was incumbent on him to resist a motion which tended to put down the manufacture. It was not so easy for foreigners, in sending out their linen,to find assorted cargoes. We had successfully imitated the foreign manufactures, and The importance of the Irish linen trade thereby secured the Spanish market.

was evident, since he could state its increase

In

during three years of the transit duty. The imports to this country in 1812, 1818, and 1814 were in proportion of 35,000,000, 37,000,000, aud 40,500,000 yards. The exports of Irish linen from Great Britain 18:2, 1813, and 1814, were at the rate of those years, of British linens, there were 5,800,000, 5,700,000, and 9,500,000. exported, for 1812, 1813, and 1814, 1,400,000, 1,800,000, and 1,700,000. This had never been regarded as a question of revenue, but it was now a question between the manufactures of Great Britain and Ireland, and those who wished to monopolize the carrying trade.

Mr. Marryat said, the right hon. gentleman took an erroneous view of the subject. It was Mr. Pitt's idea to make this country the emporium of general.commerce -an idea now departed from. The two great articles of our foreign commerce were foreign linens and French wines; he hoped an inquiry would lead to a general investi

gation into every article of commerce, now that we were at peace. If we did not supply cheaply, trade ran into other channels. The exports were lately 17,000,000 per annum, the greater part paid by British manufactures. By these means the shipping interest and the British navy were supported. He had observed the proportion of British and foreign ships employedinforeign trade, from opportunities afforded him as an underwriter, and found the British vessels reduced from 410 to 351 and 251: and afterwards falling lower. These were in the Spanish American trade. He also learned, that in two months, recently at the Havannah, where almost all the vessels entering had been British, there came in 168 vessels, and not one of them a British vessel laden from a British port: but from the Baltic, the Mediterranean, &c. They could not have carried out Irish linens, which they would, had they come from our own ports. A correspondent of his, from the Havannab, wanted a cargo of 20,0001., of which 4,000l. were to be foreign wines, &c.; but finding he could do better on the continent, be sent the whole in foreign articles. The Irish and Scotch manufacturers' interests would be best promoted by agreeing to a motion of inquiry. The advantages of our foreign trade were obvious. If we brought goods from the Hanse towns, we had to re-export them, so that three or four voyages might take place. Government did not sufficiently appreciate indirect commerce, which, though it did not pay direct taxes, was the life-blood which circulated to the remotest fibre of the body politic.

duty, which had therefore been favourable policy not to play tricks with our internal to the manufacturer. It was at present our industry.

facture was the only manufacture of IreMr. Peel observed, that the linen manuland, and Ulster chiefly subsisted by it. The linen manufacture was a substitute for the woollen. At a time when the Irish liam said he would destroy the Irish woolwoollen trade was increasing, King Wil Jen trade, but he would protect and encourage the linen manufacture. There was, therefore, for the latter, a promise and a pledge. The Irish linen exports were not less than a third of their whole exports. The first clamour for this change came from the foreign merchants, Prussians and others, who thought they could find greater facilities for getting assorted cargoes here than at Dantzic. interests of the trade demanded a continuover the linen trade in Ireland thought the ance of the transit duty. This question was not to be settled by looking to Silesia or the West Indies, &c. The best mode Ireland. was to give employment to the people of

These who presided

reasons, therefore, he had assigned, without having changed his private opinion, he felt it to be his duty to vote against the

motion for a committee.

The Hon. Mr. Robinson said, it had been represented to him that the repeal would be beneficial to the merchant and to the linen trade, and he had believed it. Had he thought it injurious to Ireland, he should not have entertained that opinion; yet he was aware that it excited fears in Ireland. He thought it a measure which should receive the general concurrence of the parties interested: but the linen board objected to it. He gave all the commerLord Castlereagh thought this, as a gecial parties to uuderstand, that he could neral question, very tempting; but, ba-terests were conciliated. For the political not move in the business, unless other inlancing all considerations of convenience and inconvenience, he believed the house would refuse the application for a change of the system by a new law. The reasoning of the hon. member did not always carry conviction to his mind. Some of the cases he had instanced appeared to be ouly the ordinary results to be expected on a Sir John Newport lamented, that the return of peace, particularly under the re-period, when the minds of the Irish people motion had been brought forward at this cent circumstances. He was not sorry to hear that other ships than British entered foreign ports in peace, as the late state of commerce was a diseased one, in which the trade of foreign powers was chilled and almost anuihilated. He agreed that the gains of the indirect commerce were not to be despised, but they were inferior cousiderations to the interests of our own manufactures and articles of home growth. The amount of Irish linen sent to this country had been larger since the transit

in favour of inquiry.
Alderman Atkins and Mr. Forbes were

object of the proposed inquiry was, in his were in a state of so much agitation. The opinion, injurious to the Irish manufacture, and inconsistent with the articles of the Union. The house then divided. For the motion, 83.-Against it 108. Majority 75.

April 26-State of Ireland. Sir J. Newport said, it might naturally be asked how, after so many hundred years' connection with this country, Ireland now remained in the same state which was

complained of centuries ago? The first inquiry into the state of Ireland was on the accession of James the First, by Sir John Davis, who took great pains to show that mutual interests were completely misunderstood. In his quaint language he said, that if you could not govern the Irish, nor conquer them by the sword, they would always be pricks in your eyes, and thorns in your sides. In those days, if an Irishman was murdered by an English man, the punishment was five marks: if an Englishman was murdered by an Irishman, the punishment was death. When James the First undertook colonization in Ireland, though the measure was good in some respects, yet it proceeded too much ou the principle of garrisoning the county, rather than of forming a connexion.

Ireland in supporting the interests of Britain had expended 67 millions, or 43 millions annually; whereas, before the union, her expenditure did not exced a million and a half. Her taxation was thus trebled, and her entire exertions had greatly exceeded her strength. The debt was increased from 34 to 150 millions; and the revenue, which, but for these exertions, would have now been 10 millious, was but 5,800,000l. He was at the same time happy to admit, that since the act of union the commercial jealousy of this country had certainly been relaxed, and that in this respect Ireland had been considered as much a parcel of the empire as York or Devonshire. But why, he would ask, whilst their illegality was acknowledged, were the orange societies suffered Subsequently to this the unhappy dis- to exist? With regard to the office of putes broke out in England, and Ireland high sheriff, he should only say, that what fell unfortunately a victim to political inwas in this country a burthensome office, trigues. The royal assent persuaded the was in Ireland an object of contest, and Irish into the forming of a royal army was the means of alienating or attaching against the parliament. The arts of the powerful individuals to the support of goPapists, and the intrigues of the nuncio, verument. One remedy had been much were particularly detrimental, and produc- talked of he meant the power of educaed the most lamentable results, and even tion. He hoped he carried his ideas of that the ruin of the country. At last Crom-power as far as any man who heard him; well's conquering sword put down all opposition. A temporary tranquillity ensued in Eugland through the misconduct of the restored Stuarts; but it was far different in Ireland. After this James II. took refuge in Ireland, and the misguided people sacrificed their Euglish connexions to their mistaken loyalty, and were doomed to another struggle. With the revolution, Great Britain commenced an age of freedom and glory; but was that the case with Ireland? Then commenced the penal code. It was a Protestant Parliament which took unjust and violent measures with regard to the adjustment of tithes, by which the prosperity of the nation was sacrificed to the interests and prejudices of the few. The temper with which it legislated was indeed made abundantly manifest. The English minister of that day did not fail to perceive, that a parliament, thus severed and disunited from their country, could not be very strong. He tried to get the supplies voted for 21 years, and it failed only by one vote. The parliament, during the reign of George II., sat for 33 years: and the effect was to paralyse the industry, and arrest the progress, of Ireland in the career of national prosperity for that period. Amidst all its demerits, however, it had the virtue of economy: for it paid off the whole debt of the country, and left a surplus in the year 1753, of 200,0001.

but he must be permitted to say, that in comparison with the mass of this country, the Irish were not an uneducated people. In a district, comprehending about one half of the county of Cork, there were upwards of 300 unendowed schools, educating not less than 22,000 children. Education would not cure the political evils of Ireland, unless accompanied with a radical reform; and as the system under which Ireland was governed had been vicious for ages, it was the duty of parliament to look into the causes of all defects in that system. He should move, therefore, an humble address to the Prince Regent, praying for such documents as might lead to a thorough investigation into the causes that have produced these evils, &c.

Mr. Peel proceeded to state, as nearly as he could, the present situation of Ireland. The provinces of the north were all tranquil; disturbed, perhaps, by the proceedings against illicit distillation, but not political. The west of Ireland was in a state of tranquility; so was the south, and so were the eastern provinces; that is, they were generally tranquil, and no ex traordinary measures of police were adopted. The counties in which disturbances existed, and measures of severity were had recourse to, were Tipperary, King's County, Westmeath, and Limerick : the Magistrates of King's county, had pe

titioned for a repeal of the act which au- | thorised measures of severity, alleging that there was no further occasion for them: the state of West Meath and Limerick was improved, though the insurrection act was in force. In some counties the greatest violences existed between families and factions, arising from old or hereditary re sentments, and not from any cause political or religious: he himself reinembered two factions at Kilkenny, the Shaughnessites and the Callaghanites, who without any object which he could discover, persecuted each other with the utmost raucour. In the counties in which insurrection pre vailed, he could never ascertain any precise object of discontent, but a spirit of opposition against all law and order: no attack on Protestants, no spirit of dislike against the Catholics; but the records of the courts presented such scenes of ferocity, such perjury as the annals of no age could equal.

There was one trial-that of the murderers of an upwright and lamented magistrate (Mr. Baker) of which, if any one would take the trouble to peruse the record, it would show the true character of the country-the fidelity of the people in a bad cause; the eagerness and pertinacity with which they revenge an imaginary offence, and the facility with which they commit the crime of murder. Many parties were stationed on the road for the purpose of intercepting him; and the act, when perpetrated, was conveyed from house to house by signals Parties were placed on the roofs of houses, and on ricks, and

general cheer was given when Mr. Baker fell. Although a reward of £13,000 was offered by government and the gentlemen of the county, no satisfactory evidence could be procured, though the names of the murderers were well known all over the country; such was the fidelity of these misguided people in a bad cause. Sir John Davis traced these disorders from the earliest periods (and to the earliest periods we must recur to learn their origin, and attributed them to the impolicy of the original conquest of the country, which was not achieved at once, and at the head of a large army, but, as it were, by instalments, The consequences were, as might have been expected, an incessant state of rebellion, excited in the hope of throwing off a yoke so gradually imposed. Spenser attributed the bad habits of the Irish to the impolicy of excluding them from the benefits of English law. Sir J. Davis mentions that by the laws of the ancient Irish, murder was considered a venial offence, and was compounded by a fine. When a sheriff was formerly sent to the county of

Fermanagh, the principal magistrate stated he should be glad to receive him, but begged to know the price of his head, that in case of his murder, the sum might be levied on the district.

Mr. Peel professed his readiness to exert the utmost powers of Covernment in suppressing offensive differences, between citizens of the same nation; but there were animosities which cluded the powers of Government.

The state of the press in Ireland, was most licentious: no character was spared; no falsity was too barefaced to be propagated; it left no motive for virtue, as it included all in its fell sweep: it levelled praise and censure, being indiscriminate.

He thought that the elective franchise had been abused, and ought to be reformed. Voters' swore to property they never possessed. He would conclude by expressing admiration of the generous character of the Irish, and of the courage, disinterestedness, and fidelity which they always displayed, and by declaring that his attachment to that people would long continue after all official connexion between him and their county had ceased.

Mr. Plunket spoke particularly to the disorders which required such a number of troops: he thought no remedies short of radical reformation, would rove salutary,

Mr. Fitzgerald spoke at some length:
Mr. Grattan also entered into the discus
sion; but was not inclined to think affairs
desperate. Lord Castlereagh thought the
same, and congratulated the House on the
good temper displayed in the debate.
The House divided--

For the Amendment
For the Original Motion

POLITICAL PERISCOPE.

187
103

Panorama Office, Sep. 28, 1816. WE remember the time when at a sitting to determine the contents of a POLITICAL PERISCOPE, every country on the earthy would press forward its intelligence, and desire to occupy the first place in the discussion. Often has the arrival of a mail in a morning, deranged the whole system agreed to by the board, on the overnight; and the labours prolonged to post midnight, have been set aside by the "early Post," at eight, or defeated by rumours from Lloyd's, about eleven o'clock, or ucon.

It is not so now. A few flying reports just serve to keep alive the curiosity of the true Politician; but those who ask at the War-Office, or the Admiralty, for fresh information will be referred to the newspapers of the morning, with a nothing later, I believe: at least, not here."

66

The Home-Office-why, indeed, we have had a little stir about the silver, in which every man who had money in his pocket was concerned;-but it ended in assuring us, that payment in legal coin is postponed from November to February; and that, in the mean time, tokens and dollars, by courtesy passing for legal, will continue to be taken, at their present value. In this respect, then, we are just where we were but must now look forward to after Christmas.

hearts, or the hands, which pulled down the whole edifice of the state, and threw that into the gulph, to fill up the deficit.

Now in England, all the world knows that the nation is poor:-the deficit is proclaimed to be so and so: inmediately all think of SAVING; and a good thing it is to think of: diminish your expences! Very readily: every rational man answers, diminish the national expences! And this supports public credit; for the expences will be diminished, and the income will be increased, till these, having found their le

again. A little Patience then, a little Hope, a little Faith, and a little Charity-excelleut virtues as well among Christians as Heathens-and the deficit will be ranked among the bug-a-boos of the dark ages; at which men of sense in the present enlight

The Public Funds are slowly declining: this will enable the National Commission-vel, the Finances become whole and sound ers to purchase a greater proportion of them at the same cost. While some of our friends are woudering why they should decline in Peace time; others, are equally surprized at the venturesome spirit by which they have been raised so high. It is not every man who knows how to calcu-eued age laugh most heartily. late the value of a hundred pounds in the Stocks; and this the worthy wights of the lottery know full well: for, they have reckoned Consols, and money at equal value; and gravely inform the Public that a prize of forty thousand pounds,-which must fall to somebody's share-is fortyspair of meeting a similar deficit, with the thousand pounds: but three per Cents, at 61, or 62, are not the same as golden guineas, which were their last temptation to adventurers.

It is worth while, however, to compare the Public Funds of Britain, with those of any other Country. Take France as the subject of comparison. The English three per Cents, are so much above 60 for 100, that legal interest, 5 per Cent. cannot be obtained, by investing money in them; while the French funds, five per Cents, are so much below 60, (say 57) for 100, that money invested in them obtains an interest of eight or nine per Cent. In the mean while the Bank Actions-which in Buonaparte's time always followed the 5 per Cents, keep up their price to above 1000 (say 1070) which implies, that this Banking Company continues to enjoy the confidence of the Public:-owing much, as we conjecture, to the publicity of its reports.

The French Statesmen, have always piqued themselves on the secresy of their financial affairs: what did it end in ?-A deficit, well described as a gulf. Whereas, had that very deficit, from its small beginnings been gradually known to the Nation, it could not have come on the people as a thunderbolt, for suddenness. It might, possibly, have been stopped in an early stage; but, if not, it could have astonished no one, whose memory recollected the last year: it might startle a few true patriots; but, those who were not the heads, the

Mr. Pitt found a deficit after the American war of nearly four millions; at the end of 1784, nine months after the peace, it was £3,108,000. Now if Mr. Pitt contrived to overcome this deficit, with the means of meeting it then cxisting, why should we de

meaus now existing? Are the true, major, sources of our wealth, our industry, our capital, our credit, our character, for integrity and honesty, really impaired? Are we knaves or fools, acknowledged and recorded as such all the world over? Let facts speak, whether this nation amidst all its sufferings, is not rather the envy than the contempt of the world.

True it is that we are the hatred of some nations, rather than their contempt, Tan mieur: let them anticipate our miscarriages with pleasure; there will never be any want of them; let them record our suc cesses with pain. It is truly amusing to see to what shifts they are reduced on certain occasions, and how greatly their wit strains for an opportunity of finding or making deductions from an exploit of a British officer.

The late memorable chastisement of Algiers, is a striking instance of this. Before Lord Exmouth arrived in the Mediterranean, we had daily reports (via France,) on the strength of the batteries, and the number of the troops collected in the city. After the destruction inflicted, we are told, that part of the Algerine navy escaped; that the people adore the Sovereign who has brought this calamity upon them; that they love him the better for it; that the English ships are dreadfully mauled,-(so they are)-and they set down as killed, the whole report of killed and wounded. The secret is, that this terrible punishment has been inflicted by British ships and British

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