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pressions. These terms never meant, nor will be maintained at this day to mean, that the commons are comprehended in the king, are comprehended in the lords, or are comprehended in the king and lords together. We know the personages designed by king and lords, and do we not know ourselves, under the designation of a term borrowed from our own rank of life? Does the unvaried language of our government for ever instruct us whom the commons in parliament were designed to represent, from whom they were to originate, and for whom specially to act; and shall we submit ourselves to believe, that our proper representation can proceed from the lords, that the commons of England are to be found in the absolute creatures of the king and lords, nominated by their voice, and obedient to their will? If the constitution be changed, and it be fit that it should continue to be changed, let the language be changed also ; let not the abused commonalty be insulted with the mockery of names and sounds,


which preserve only the painful remembrance of what they have lost, which embitter the sense of their ruined state, by continually holding up the beautiful picture of what they were designed to be, and what even at this moment, unless by their own abandonment, they may recover themselves

If it must not be, that by our true and proper representatives we are in future to have an equal voice in the legislative body of these kingdoms, let the style as well as the existence of the commons be abandoned; let it be avowed and declared, that the king and lords devise laws, dispose of life and liberty, and give and grant to whatever extent of the public money. This is the plain naked truth: the king and lords do of their own absolute pleasure make, and by their own absolute pleasure govern, a vast majority of the commons' house in parliament, and they who make and rule the majority make and rule the whole. Let then the man, who sets his face against the manly claim of the people's usurped rights, come

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forward, and say that these things are not'; or let him not gather himself up in affected anger, when he is told, that; with the confessed knowledge of departed rights, he is willing to abandon them to the destroyer, and is active only in the cause of the destroyer; in resisting the well meant efforts of those, who, in the revival of the true spirit of the constitution, still hope to save their falling country: No!'They see not the infamy and ruin of their own conduct ; and because names and forms are still suffered to remain, they believe, that the glorious constitution of their ancestors still exists in all it's wise and virtuous provision for the public good. These names and these forms ought to be documents and proofs to them, that a great and dangerous corruption has taken place; they ought even to the commonest. mind to hold up a most alarming truth. He observed it to be almost unworthy of children to be amused and soothed with the illusion of a mere name or form, when the reality was gone; it would not be

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a greater folly to look for the man in his grave, because with his former name he was committed thereto. But he added as a serious fact, that the more liberal is

any government, the more terrible are the consequences of it's corruption, and that tyranny never appears in so awful a form, as when it comes in the shape and semblance of a once free constitution. A naked and undisguised despotism must observe some terms with human nature, but, under the venerable sanction of liberty, it abandons itself to every caprice and excess.

Thus the form of the Roman republic was preserved by the Roman emperors, but the corruption of it under this form degenerated into the most horrid, and wanton tyranny, that man ever submitted to

From this evidence of a constitutional spirit in the reforin, Mr. Walker passed to the expecliency and necessity of it. It were absurd to look for any of the wise and salutary effects of a constitution, unless from the reality of those very provisions, which con



stituted all that was wise and salutary in it's plan. The wisdom and health of our constitution was not to be found in the existence of a king, not in that of lords, not in that of commons singly and separately, but in the well-tempered mixture of the regal, the aristocratic, and the popular power. But if one of these essential parts have passed into a mere nullity, the ground of dependence is vanished, and with it all the hope and possibility of the singular blessings, which so singular a constitution promised. It was not from any supernatural wisdom in our rude and unlettered ancestors, that a form of government originated, which mocked all the wisdom and policy of the Greeks and Romans. It flowed from their very simplicity, from their knowing no essential distinction of man from man, from an honest adherence to this single principle, an equality of rights in all whom they acknowledged as freemen, an equal claim of law, of liberty, of property, and life. And he observed as a general rule, that one ho


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