ple, by whom, and for whom, they are, or ought to be! No! the constitution means the minister no such majority, it abhors it, and no utility of a wise and virtuous government requires it. No majority in the very idea of that house is intended, but what the wisdom, honesty, and patriotism of the minister's conduct deserves and ever will procure to him. Let a minister stand forth and answer for this to parliament and to the people, and every one may answer with his life for a triumphant majority, without the intervention of troublesome, illiberal, and dirty intrigues. Let any one for a moment conceive a parliament in factious opposition to such a minister, and, almighty as it may presume itself to be, he will soon perceive, that there is an almighty power, which will control and convert it to the public good. Standing in the midway between the crown and the people, and disowned, unsupported by either, parliament would feel the awe of that constitutional spirit, which is the secret stay and security, on which the fabric of our government

government rests, which has, and I trust will save it in the most perilous encounters. This is not idle theory; it was verified by the conduct of the greatest and honestest minister, that England ever knew. Called to the helm by the dangers and necessities of the state, he had no interest at court or in parliament, but with a virtuous magnanimity he courted neither, he left it to his conduct to justify himself to both. The honest spirit of his prince relaxed from it's prejudices, but parliament, turned out of it's habit and course, never was cordial to him, yet it dared not to check him in his career of glory and of usefulness. This saved the minister a world of trouble, and it did his country a world of good. But as this pleaded necessity of ministerial influence vitiates parliament, and turns it into a direction contrary to it's genius, so it is of the most dangerous tendency in another view, which has never, I believe, been adverted to. The power in the house of commons of impeaching a bad minister, whose crimes no other

other form of justice can reach, has ever been remarked as one of the happiest guards of our constitution. But this power is a mere nullity in the present management and habit of parliament. Master of parliament, what has the minister to fear? will the servant raise his voice against his bountiful lord? will the injured and insulted people find a protector, an avenger, in the confederate of the minister's crimes? Nor will a change of administration revive the avenging genius of the constitution. Ministers standing in the same predicament, and having the same to fear for themselves, will have a tender sympathy for each other; nor will a parliament still disposed to corruption, throw discredit on the trade by the punishment of it's past corrupters.

He concluded with avowing better hopes of the future prosperity of his country, than some of it's wisest and best friends dared to flatter themselves with. But nothing assuredly could effect this, unless a renewal of the constitution. A languid and sickly frame,

either in the individual or politic body, could promise no vigorous and well prosecuted exertions. That ruin, from the brink of which it was so frightful to look down, had issued from the abuses, which the petition wished to rectify. And as England previous to the existence of her colonies had risen to her height of greatness from the inexhausted resources of her free and manly government, she might from the same actuating spirit repossess and maintain her rank among nations. All depended upon the virtue of the people.

This speech excited the strongest marks of approbation from the meeting. Among those who expressed themselves most parti cularly gratified was that illustrious patriot the late sir George Saville; and the present first lord of the treasury declared, that he had outrivalled Cicero himself; and though he had intended to have delivered his sentiments on the occasion, he would not weaken the effect of such a speech by any observations of his own. The present duke of Norfolk

also

also thanked him in the name of the meeting. So favourable an introduction to the notice of the great, accompanied by such flattering testimonies of their approbation, might have endangered the humility of a poor minister of the Gospel, and excited expectations, incompatible with the purity of his motives. If private advantage had been the actuating principle of his conduct, a field was now open to him, which he might have cultivated with success, and where his talents could scarcely have failed of reaping a reward: but he was instigated by other motives than those of personal emolument: at a time which he thought required the exertions of every virtuous citizen, he stepped forward to discharge his duty to his country; and, satisfied with this, he returned to the private walk of his profession, without any exertion to prolong his acquaintance with the great, though without retiring from their proffered civilities.

Subsequent meetings both of the town and county were held for the purpose of furthering