quence in the kingdom, to which no representation has been extended. Thus, in whatever view we contemplate the spirit and design of our constitution, we see clearly, that the prayer of the petition has nothing of innovation, nothing strange in it, nothing but what the very idea of parliament embraces and intends, nothing but what is essential to, and inherent in, the rights of freemen; and that the greatest abuses in the representation are contrary to the very design of our ancestors themselves, unwise and improvident in many instances as these ancestors have been. It has ever been deemed an excellence in our constitution, that there was resident in it the power and virtue of recurring to it's original principles, whenever it shall be found to have dangerously degenerated from them; and if a government mean well, it would be absolute suicide in it not to rectify abuses, which mere accident, time, or corruption has introduced, and which, if not redressed, threaten

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to destroy all it's character, and all it's wellbeing."

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Having removed the imputation of novelty in the redress, for which the petition prays, Mr.Walker next adverted to the second objection, “that, however wise and right in itself, it did not meet the present temper of "the kingdom, but would only disturb, divide, and distract the nation, in a moment "which required all it's union." But let these men, whoever or of whatever rank they be, withdraw each their individual opposition, and the objection falls to the ground. Allowing the right, the wisdom, and utility of the petition; they themselves should not swell the number of it's opponents; an objection, confessed to be founded in mere obstinacy and perverseness, in a refusal of public good, should not lie at their door; every fellow subject, who will not accord with the petition, should meet the friends of it on the ground of constitutional right, of national utility; and when all manly and virtuous

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reply fails them, it is a crime of the highest form not to be a friend, not to take a decided part in the cause of truth and right. It is not a rash and passionate censure to affirm, that with a silent acquiescence in the right and utility of the petition, no good motive is at the bottom of that mind, which still continues to object to it, and throws any difficulty in the way of it's success. The ques

tion between the friends and the enemies of the petition is reduced to a short issue. It's friends plead the justice, the wisdom, the expedience of the measure, the horrid experience of past mischiefs, the well-founded apprehension of growing evil from the same malignant source. Let the enemies of the petition stand forth in the face of their country, and show that it is not just, not wise, not expedient; that the abuses complained of have not been disgraceful and ruinous, and have not an ugly aspect on the future; let them show this, or, continuing in a silent and sullen opposition, let them abide the consequence; the imputation of having renounced k 3

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in this instance all the obligations of a citizen, of a well-wisher to the public good. It is with men of this complexion, that the true difficulty rests; they are the authors of the opposition, with them lies all the crime of disunion; but whether timidity, a spirit of no English hue, or views which are not fit to be owned, create and support their disaffection, it becomes them to know, that an Englishman cannot respect an opposition so founded; that the timid, the illiberal, and the selfish, are the enemies whom he expects to meet with in the field of all his virtuous contests.

But it is lastly urged, " that the reform, if "it should be adopted, will unnerve the exe"cutive power, by undoing that influence, "that ascendency of administration over the "house of commons, which is pleaded to be

necessary to government." But if the plea fail, the reform ought not to be resisted on this ground. This is the last refuge of the enemies to a parliamentary reform, and in the supposed strength of it I verily be

lieve many are really deceived. But a definition of terms, particularly of the government, to which such an unconstitutional influence is necessary, may contribute to undeceive them. It is undoubtedly necessary to a government, which respects not the popular opinion; but this is not, or ought not to be, the government of England; and, if it be, is the very strongest reason, why an influence of so cursed a nature should be utterly extirpated. Some ambiguous and covert phrases require to be turned into plain English, in order clearly to understand them. In plain English, then, a decided majority of the minister in the house means, that it should be the minister's house, not the house of commons of England; and whether this be an honest, virtuous, and salutary English maxim, I think may be left to the effrontery of your boldest enemy to say. What! a majority, prepared, disposed to carry through the minister's measures! sworn, bound, and passive to his will, whout regard to the good pleasure of the peok 4 ple,