THE VISION OF A PATRIOT.

"I had a dream, which was not all a dream."-LORD BYRON.

Methought I saw a numerous host,
On a captive-trodden coast;
And every warrior's brow seem'd bent
Upon a deep and dire intent.
As mine eye this phalanx noted,
Thro' the air a banner floated;
And a "SUN-BURST," as of old,
Glittered high in rays of gold.

Three hues upon them did unite,

In-wrought with silver-blue and white;
The third, in which each youth did rally,
Was borrow'd from his native valley.

And they stretched for many a mile,
Rank on rank, and file on file;

The war-horse neigh'd not there-for steep

And wild the hills, the marshes deep.

And a shout was rais'd to Heaven,

And the wrench of fetters riven,

Seem'd as if about to rattle

Thro' the fiery ranks of battle.

Gazing on this fix'd array,
Thus a voice was heard to say-
'Twas not of the human race,
But the Genius of the place) :-
"Rise in vengeance, rise in right-
"Rise in justice, and in might;
"Rise each chain-encumber'd slave,

"Should valour fail, you've still a grave.

"Let the sword but quit the sheath,
"Bent on victory or death;

""Tis but the glitt'ring blade to see-
"The chain is broke, the slave is free.

"Ne'er let jarring priesteraft sever

"Freedom's sons, thus joined together;
"Never shall a tyrant bow

"Hearts so link'd as yours are now."

At these wild magic words did gleam

Ten thousand swords in morn's young beam,
Which smiled, as if all consciously

It look'd on new-born LIBERTY!

I woke, and marvell'd what might mean

This fevered vision-yet I ween

The dream that then forsook my eyes,
Some better day may realise.

CAROLAN.

THE power of prediction upon the future prosperity or decline of a nation is not confined to a few political sages. It requires but a limited share of sagacity to look into the coming time, and to calculate the consequences that may arise from some immediate event, which is of sufficient importance to influence the fortunes of the future.

Paine said to the Americans, in the year 1776, "I never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath not expressed his opinion that a separation between the two countries would take place one time or other." The event was obvious to the contemplation of all dispassionate minds, and the time of its occurrence was the only point which involved an uncertainty. The fate of war is uncertain, depending upon chance and stratagem for the consequences. The only means for speculation upon its results must be collected by the comparison of force, and even this is a fallacious dependence, for disparity of means on one side does not always lead to defeat. The operation and effect of political affairs and international compacts-the tendency of vicious laws to depress and enslave-the spirit of posterity which is to rise up against them- all admit of a species of prophecy by which we are prepared for the season of their revolution. The speculations of some are given at random, and sometimes owe their realization to fortuitous events; a vague idea of probability persuades others of the likelihood of what they predict; but the greater number of voluntary prophets, by an ill-judged deliberation, form fallacious conclusions, and announce them with all the con2 z

VOL. I. NO. VI.

fidence of conviction. The predictions of interested men are not to be trusted. Weak men cannot-prejudiced men will not-see any thing which seems to militate against the fulfilment of their own desires. Dependence, however, may be placed upon the prophetic declarations of men concerning the future destinies of a nation, when they do not belong to the foregoing classes, and who are not inflaenced by interested motives. Persons of moderate talents and liberal education, and inspired with a love of country, may be considered to possess a degree of the power of prediction relative to the political destinies of their country. The power arises out of their solicitude, and is directed by their experience. With some it is determined, as if by intuition, while with others it is impressed by the idea of probability. Locke says that probability is the appearance of agreement upon fallible proofs; the grounds of which are two, viz. conformity with our own experience, or the testimony of others experience.

There are certain indications in the political aspect of our country which conduce to speculation, either inspiring us with hope, or depressing us with gloomy anticipation. The effect of the one may be false and delusive-the influence of the other often reduces us to a state of inert and degrading despondency. There are none so stupid upon whom the idea will not force itself. There are none so wilfully blind so as to succeed in shutting it from their contemplation.

When the Legislative Union was proposed in 1799 all the talent and patriotism of Ireland marshalled to oppose it. A fierce and indignant denunciation of the project met it at the threshold of the senate, and was re-echoed by the country. Sometimes in the storm and whirlwind of their opposition the antagonists of the measure paused to argue, and condescended to consider the proposition, its nature and consequences. The former was exposed in all its injustice and deformity, while the latter were foretold with an awful accuracy, which the experience of thirty-two years has fully confirmed. In these instances the power of divination was not much exerted in order to form a just anticipation. The results were so obvious from the apparent causes, that to deny them at the time required an effrontery only possessed by a Castlereagh and his corrupt train. The most extravagant promises were made, with no other guarantee for their performance than ministerial faith; and the most hyperbolical visions of national prosperity were conjured up by those political jugglers, to delude the weak and unreflecting into an acquiescence in their pernicious project. Falsehood, supported by almost absolute

power, and the dominion of brute force, accomplished the destruction of a nation's independence, and laughed to scorn the feeble defence of despairing patriotism.

The following prophecies were spoken on the night of the 22d January, 1799, during the debate upon the King's speech, which recommended the consideration of the Legislative Union :

SIR J. PARNELL.

This will lay a ground for growing discontent, not promoted by declamation or agitation-not to be treated as the momentary convulsion of popular feelings, but proved by facts, and which, if aggravated by experience, must acquire force the longer it is suppressed, and produce consequences greater than I wish or venture to state.

If, hereafter, the separate interests of the British nation and the minister should be opposed to each other, the promised liberties of Ireland will vanish jointly with those of the country to which it had sent the means of the change of its constitution.

Trade is of a delicate nature; if diverted from its channels, it may wander into other countries, or cease. The trade lost to Dublin does not necessarily seek the ports of Waterford and Cork; it may find an asylum in Liverpool; or probably find no home. The importing merchants of Dublin are the factors for the exports of our linen. They supply the trade with capital and discount-they extend it by their established credits, and by their extensive foreign connexions. The diminution of the population which attends the local situation of political power--the constitutional banishment of its Lords and Commons, to be renewed every eight years, (who, if prudent, will become English settlers, if dissipated, bankrupts,) will lessen the imports of all the articles of luxury, and the consumption of all the manufactures of artisans, and of the articles sold by retail. The malady of the head will affect all the component parts of the system.

The counties in the vicinity of the metropolis will experience a decline of price commensurate with a decreased consumption. As the price of land has doubled in twenty years, it may return to its first value. Is this a source of content and gratitude? I shall be gratified if I am a false prophet. I would wish that my judgment might be impeached, if my country benefits; but I dare not venture to risk an experiment, which, if it is not successful, must be ruinous.

MR. LEE.

If the country gentlemen of England suffer us Irish members into the House of Commons, they will then be dupes indeed, for the minister will be independent of them and of the country.

MR. CROOKSHANK.

If the Irish Parliament pronounce the sentence of its own annihilation, it will by that fatal vote at once violate the great trust of legislation, and for ever sacrifice to the avaricious monopoly of a rival kingdom our commercial energy and national prosperity.

The proposed Union can in no way be beneficial to this country: it can neither extend our trade nor augment our capital; and so far from tending to the restoration of tranquillity, it must, by enflaming

the general discontent, contribute to that most dreadful event—a separation between the two countries.

The evils of the measure will be certain and immediate ; its alleged advantages, if any, contingent and remote.

Our commerce can never be extended or improved by a Union which transfers to the jealous control of a foreign power the protection of our commercial rights, and for which, in return, no additional freedom of trade is provided, but the barren and preposterous privilege of attempting to rival Great Britain in her great staple manufacture, and in her own markets. Still more absurd and inconsistent is it to suppose that our capital could be augmented by a Union. The future state of this country, instead of giving new confidence, and furnishing incitment, must finally discourage and banish our

own.

With such stubborn elements of discord, I fear we may expect that a Union with Great Britain will be the awful and fatal prelude to a convulsive separation of those countries.

By the augmentation of the disaffected and the absence of the loyal, should rebellion again arise, our defence will be weakened, and who can answer for the consequences that may ensue ?

MR. KNOX.

Unfortunate country! what a state of wretchedness and slavery will be yours! how prostrate, how fallen!

Night, even in the zenith of her dark domain,

Is sunshine to the colour of your fate.

The native inhabitants of this country, degraded like the human merchandize of Africa, to cultivate the soil at the will of foreign taskmasters, not as freemen, but as slaves: the Irish and Indian negroes will then only be distinguished by the colour of their skin.

RIGHT HON. JAMES FITZGERALD.

You will have no security for the proposed advantages; you will only hold them at the will of a Parliament in which your voice will be ridiculously insignificant.

Will the measure proposed quiet the country, and remove the causes of its discontent? It will, on the contrary, increase the agitation of the one and aggravate the other.

MR. J. M. O'DONNELL.

What possible security can Ireland have for her rights or commerce over other ports, without the power of legislating for herself? None— there will be none on earth.

RIGHT HON. D. B. DALY.

Can I vote for a measure which I am convinced leads to separation?

MR. BALL.

The evils resulting from it are certain, inevitable, and immediate ; such as must end, at no very remote period, in a total separation from England; or what is worse, in a regular plan of government, uniformly and systematically enforced against the will of the people by military coercion.

If the present measure is carried the evil will be without remedy;