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sing new oaths, and the like; but now we have "disarmed them of that power. These petitioners "lately did look upon Episcopacy as a beast armed "with horns and claws; but now that we have cut "and pared them (and may, if we see cause, yet "reduce it into narrower bounds), it may, perhaps, "be more agreeable. Howsoever, if they be still in passion, it becomes us soberly to consider the right "use and antiquity thereof; and not to comply "further with a general desire, than may stand with "a general good.

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"We have already shewed, that Episcopacy and "the evils thereof are mingled like water and oil; "we have also, in part, severed them; but I believe

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you will find, that our laws and the present go"vernment of the Church are mingled like wine and "water; so inseparable, that the abrogation of, at “least, a hundred of our laws is desired in these pe"titions. I have often heard a noble answer of the

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Lords, commended in this house, to a proposition ❝of like nature, but of less consequence; they gave no other reason of their refusal but this, "Nolumus mutare Leges Anglice: it was the Bishops "who so answered then; and it would become the dignity and wisdom of this house to answer the people, now, with a Nolumus mutare.

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"I see some are moved with a number of hands against the Bishops; which, I confess, rather in"clines me to their defence; for I look upon Episcopacy as a counterscarp, or out-work; which, if it "be taken by this assault of the people, and, withal, "this mystery once revealed, That we must deny "them nothing when they ask it thus in troops, we

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may, in the next place, have as hard a task to "defend our property, as we have lately had to re"cover it from the Prerogative. If, by multiplying "hands and petitions, they prevail for an equality "in things ecclesiastical, the next demand perhaps may be Lex Agraria, the like equality in things temporal.

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"The Roman story tells us, "That when the ple began to flock about the senate, and were more "curious to direct and know what was done, than "to obey, that Commonwealth soon came to ruin: "their Legem rogare grew quickly to be a Legem "ferre: and after, when their legions had found "that they could make a Dictator, they never suf"fered the senate to have a voice any more in such "election.

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"If these great innovations proceed, I shall expect "a flat and level in learning too, as well as in church"preferments: Honos alit Artes. And though it be "true, that grave grave and pious men do study for learning-sake, and embrace virtue for itself; yet it is as "true that youth, which is the season when learning is gotten, is not without ambition; nor will "ever take pains to excel in any thing, when there " is not some hope of excelling others in reward and dignity.

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"There are two reasons chiefly alledged against "our church-government.

First, Scripture, which, as some men think, points out another form.

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Second, The abuses of the present superiors. "For Scripture, I will not dispute it in this place; "but I am confident that, whenever an equal division

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"of lands and goods shall be desired, there will be "as many places in Scripture found out, which "seem to favour that, as there are now alledged

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against the prelacy or preferment of the Church. “And, as for abuses, where you are now in the Re"monstrance told what this and that poor man hath "suffered by the Bishops, you may be presented "with a thousand instances of poor men that have “received hard measure from their landlords; and "of worldly goods abused, to the injury of others, "and disadvantage of the owners.

"And therefore, Mr. Speaker, my humble mo❝tion is, That we may settle men's minds herein; "and, by a question, declare our resolution, to re'form, that is, not to abolish, Episcopacy.”

It cannot but be wished that he, who could speak in this manner, had been able to act with spirit and uniformity.

When the Commons began to set the royal authority at open defiance, Waller is said to have withdrawn from the house, and to have returned with the King's permission; and, when the King set up his standard, he sent him a thousand broad-pieces. He continued, however, to sit in the rebellious conventicle; but "spoke," says Clarendon, "with great sharpness "and freedom, which, now there was no danger of "being outvoted, was not restrained; and therefore "used as an argument against those who were gone upon pretence that they were not suffered to de"liver their opinion freely in the House, which "could not be believed, when all men knew what

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liberty Mr. Waller took, and spoke every day with

impunity against the sense and proceedings of the "house."

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Waller, as he continued to sit, was one of the commissioners nominated by the Parliament to treat with the King at Oxford; and when they were presented, the King said to him, "Though you are the last, you are not the lowest nor the least in my "favour." Whitlock, who, being another of the commissioners, was witness of this kindness, imputes it to the King's knowledge of the plot, in which Waller appeared afterwards to have been engaged against the Parliament. Fenton, with equal probability, believes that this attempt to promote the royal cause arose from his sensibility of the King's tenderness. Whitlock says nothing of his behaviour at Oxford: he was sent with several others to add pomp to the commission, but was not one of those to whom the trust of treating was imparted.

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The engagement, known by the name of Waller's plot, was soon afterwards discovered. Waller hád a brother-in-law, Tomkins, who was clerk of the Queen's council, and at the same time had a very numerous acquaintance, and great influence, in the city. Waller and he, conversing with great confidence, told both their own secrets and those of their friends; and, surveying the wide extent of their conversation, imagined that they found in the majority of all ranks great disapprobation of the violence of the Commons, and unwillingness to continue the war. They knew that many favoured the King, whose fear concealed their loyalty; and many desired peace, though they durst not oppose the clamour for war; and they imagined that, if those who had these VOL. IX.

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good intentions could be informed of their own! strength, and enabled by intelligence to act together, they might overpower the fury of sedition, by refusing to comply with the ordinance for the twentieth part, and the other taxes levied for the support of the rebel army, and by uniting great numbers in a petition for peace. They proceeded with great caution. Three only met in one place, and no man was allowed to impart the plot to more than two others; so that, if any should be suspected or seized, more than three could not be endangered.

Lord Conway joined in the design, and, Clarendon imagines, incidentally mingled, as he was a soldier, some martial hopes or projects, which however were only mentioned, the main design being to bring the loyal inhabitants to the knowledge of each other; for which purpose there was to be appointed one in every district, to distinguish the friends of the King, the adherents to the Parliament, and the neutrals. How far they proceeded does not appear; the result of their enquiry, as Pym declared *, was, that within the walls, for one that was for the Royalists, there were three against them; but that without the walls, for one that was against them, there were five for them. Whether this was said from knowledge or guess, was perhaps never enquired.

It is the opinion of Clarendon, that in Waller's plan no violence or sanguinary resistance was comprised; that he intended only to abate the confidence of the rebels by publick declarations, and to weaken their power by an opposition to new supplies.

* Parliamentary History, Vol. XII. Dr. J.

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