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recting his efforts. Whether the noble | many acres in East Kent, the best part Lord the Member for Lynn divided the of the county for hop growing. House or not, the labouring industry of this country would be his debtor to a very large extent for the stand which he had made in their behalf.

Our re

It was

DR. BOWRING said, it had been to him a source of the greatest gratification that the failure of the many attempts which had been made to coerce foreign Governments by a system of restrictions, menaces, and reprisals, had been succeeded by a wiser policy-that of conciliation and free trade. It was far better to welcome foreigners to our ports by inviting imports, than to alienate and repel them by hostile tariffs. The policy of peace was sure in the long run to be successful-and to be permanently and advantageously triumphant. The sagacious and amicable legislation of the present Government had already made its way to the friendly co-operation of many countries, and it would ere long influence all. If we welcomed imports we should force exports-if we bought from foreigners they would be compelled to buy of us. We should create advocates and allies in the countries where now we had only opponents and rivals. We should teach lessons that would everywhere be learned. forms would reform the world. gratifying to look round and watch the effect-the already visible effect of the measures of the Ministry. They had found a response more or less audible in every part of the civilized world. That selfish policy which had been supposed to be the groundwork of the whole of our commercial system, was felt to be no longer reconcileable with the well-being-with the prosperity-with the augmented wealth of other nations. He had had the satisfaction of receiving from every quarter of the compass testimonials to the popularity of the right hon. Baronet. It was at last seen that we were giving practical assent to the lessons of political economy, which we had been accused of being willing to teach others, but which we neglected or refused to apply to ourselves. He would ask leave to read to the House a passage from an interesting and eloquent letter he had that day received from Elihu Burritt, than whom no man had been more instrumental in encouraging and strengthening the pacific spirit-the cultivation of friendly relations between his country and ours :

MR. PLUMPTRE, adverting to the charge which had been made against the protectionist party, of having delayed the measures of the Government, said that they were called upon to break down a system under which this country had long flourished; and if, therefore, instead of a few weeks, Parliament had been for the whole Session-nay, for the whole seven years of its duration, employed in discussing the measure, he would have been ready to pronounce the consumption of their time perfectly justifiable. The question was, whether they would sanction a system by which the commerce of this country would be ruined? One of his chief motives for addressing the House was in order to correct a misrepresentation connected with the produce of the county which he had the honour to represent. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, alluding to the subject of hops, said that the home producer would be placed by the Bill in a more favourable position than the foreign grower. He had had an opportunity of looking into the subject, particularly as connected with tithes. He found that in one parish the ordinary charge in lieu of tithes was 15s. per acre, and the extraordinary charge 12s.-making together 27s. per acre. He found also that in a neighbouring parish the ordinary charge was 14s. 6d., and the extraordinary 12s. He had also received, in answer to a letter addressed by him to one of the largest growers of hops, near Canterbury, a reply stating that for the best soils the ordinary charge was 12s., and the extraordinary charge 14s. per acre; and in the inferior soils the ordinary charge 9s. or 10s., and the extraordinary charge from 10s. to 12s. The tithes were equivalent to a charge of 5s. per cwt. on hops, which, with other charges, amounted to nearly 20s. of certain payments, exclusive of poor rates and other local and indirect taxes, to none of which the foreigner was subject, but which the farmer must pay whether he sold his hops or not. The foreigner ought not to to sweep from the face of the earth the mountainbe allowed to import hops without paying ous ranges of prejudice and nationality, which a sum equal to these charges. The have made enemies of nations, there will be no writer, moreover, stated his conviction questions of disputed territories to embitter them, no narrow-minded policy to feed international that the effect of this measure would jealousy, or dam the currents of fraternal and be to throw out of plant the culture of commercial intercourse. The smallest nation

"When (he says) free trade shall be ushered in

may then say the whole boundless earth is ours, | of free trade be more clearly laid down and where we may buy, sell, and trade in the commerce recognized? No! And we were willing, of good-will, without any to molest or make us afraid. If by free trade, England should lose while we claimed for ourselves the right to Oregon, and even Canada, she would gain in the buy in the cheapest, and to sell in the United States what would be worth to her a dozeu dearest market, to allow the same priviof either of those countries. For one, I regard lege to our fellow countrymen, wherever free trade as the commercial harbinger of the mil- they were placed. Recognizing no monopolennium which shall beat all swords into plough lies-repudiating all differential duties—we shares, and spears into pruning hooks. Even in anticipation of the partial triumph of this gospel wished not to impose monopolies on others, economy, in the opening of your ports to corn, and or to require preferences for ourselves or other productions of our great West, the warlike our Colonies. We enact no reservations. people of that region are even now fulfilling that We demanded freedom, absolute freedom, blessed prophecy in a degree-they are breaking their swords into ploughshares, and driving those for labour and capital. The good work ploughshares deep into their Eden soil, inspired was everywhere progressing. France, so with the hope of feeding the British. I devoutly long the model of all that is narrow and hope that the coming seed time, in that vast rerestrictive-France, that had carried the gion of unequalled fertility, will be a better seed time of feelings towards Great Britain. I cannot find doctrines of self-dependence, and abhorwords to express my sense of the importance to rence of free-trade principles, to the exhumanity at large, of annexing that rich universe treme-was already beginning to feel the of land to your crowded shores, by opening your absurdity of her legislation, and to agitate ports to its produce. The moral influence of such for its change. The Vine-growers' Coma measure on the labouring people of both countries cannot be meted out in words: there are mittee of the south were again in a state thousands and thousands in that region of our of active exertion. Paris was creating a country, living in the rudest state of civilization League for the emancipation of commerce, with regard to every article of furniture, dress, whose influence was already making its way and the other comforts and elegancies known to a cnltivated society, while at the same time they to the Chambers. The Tariff which we are surrounded with breastworks of golden corn were now discussing answered, and anand wheat. On the other hand, are there not swered most emphatically, those who told thousands and thousands of ill-fed labourers in us that before administering to others, we your country, pining amid fabrics that would adorn should heal our own diseases. That is our princes-articles of clothing and comfort, which, if exchanged for food, would fill our great West immediate mission—that is our present ocwith the paradise of comfortable homes, trans-cupation. We are giving the best evidence formed from the floorless log cabins of Western wheat-growers. What an effect it would have on the morals of your manufacturing population, if the fountains of American food should be broken up to feed them from our granaries!" The noble Lord (Lord G. Bentinck) had those whom hostile tariffs were intended to represented the project of free-trade prin- delude and to pillage. The deluded and ciples as likely to alienate the Canadian the pillaged consumer will awake, ere long, provinces. But they knew their interests to recognize how much he has been befar better, and began to feel that emanci-trayed; and there is no country where the pation from all commercial fetters was cal-awakening will be more complete than in culated far more to serve them than any restriction upon their trade. Had he read the proceedings of the public meeting at Montreal, held so lately as the 9th of last month? Many resolutions were vehemently debated-some were rejected; but what was the resolution passed by an overwhelming majority? It was this:

of the sincerity of our purposes. We leave the reform of the faults of other nations, not to our representatives, not to our negotiations, but to a sense of the interests of

France. In Germany the reaction has already begun. The legislation upon which we were entering has already enabled Prussia to resist the demands for increased duties upon British manufactures, which has come from the Southern States of the Zollverein. The doctrines of List—one of the most mischievous and untrustworthy of "Moved by Mr. Glass, seconded by Mr. Holton men-are beginning to be exploded, though That, in order to render the application of free-an immense circnlation had been given to trade principles thoroughly effectual, it is neces- them by the manufacturers of Germany. sary to embrace them in all their comprehensive- Under the names of patriotism and nationness in this Colony; that protection and regulation ality, the German people have been cozened in every form should be repudiated, and the com-into a system which, after all, is but a robmerce of the Colony approximated as nearly to perfect freedom as the exigencies of the public revenue will permit."

:

Could the friends of free trade desire a stronger testimony? Could the principles

bery on a large scale, disguised under false names. No doubt the earlier adoption of free-trade principles would have prevented much of the absurd and hostile legislation

of the Zollverein. If the act done cannot | House was fully entitled to the foreign expebe repaired, at all events its progress will be rience of the hon. and learned Member who arrested now. Italy is also moving in the had just sat down, seeing that he had been right direction; the kingdom of the Two paid 13,500l. for his services on various Sicilies, after having been long the victim roving commissions. The hon. and learned of the protective system, to use the words Member had called the right hon. Baronet of a high authority whose report he (Dr. the most popular man in Europe: the Lord Bowring) was now reading, is already deliver him from such popularity! Perhaps entering upon commercial treaties with if the right hon. Baronet would again avail France, England, Austria, Sardinia, and himself of the hon. and learned Member's other States, and, encouraged by the re- services, the latter would consider him the sults of liberal legislation, is moving boldly most popular man in England. The hon. and forward in that direction. The Papal Go- learned Gentleman's language was, "Give vernment, which has pushed protection and us the friendship of France, Tuscany, Spain, prohibition to their very extremes, has at and Italy, and we should care nothing last acknowledged that these are "econo- about our own people." The hon. and mical heresies," under whose influence its learned Gentleman was so enamoured with commerce has perished; its manufactures the conduct of the right hon. Baronet, that have not prospered, and the steps it has he had better at once come over to the taken in the way of liberal commercial Ministerial side of the House. Whatever legislation have already been rewarded by might be the immediate result of the Goan increase of revenue, and an obvious vernment measure in the end, he was sure augmentation of the public prosperity. in the end the truth would prevail, and the The Sardinian Government is also making country would know who were their friends. progress. It cherished with pertinacity The right hon. Baronet would have cause, the protective system; but that system ere long, to repent of the course he had failed. Modifications have been introduced, adopted. All he would say was, that if he and one has been the parent of another. wanted to find an instance of apostacy, Every tendency towards commercial liberty hypocrisy, and perfidy, he would point out has been fruitful of good-has strength- the right hon. Baronet. He should, from ened the desire for more facilities to trade a sense of duty, support the Amendment -for a wider field of intercourse-and, to of the noble Lord. use the words of an Italian writer in an essay which has just appeared at Turin

"The time is now matured for important commercial changes; Sir Robert Peel will succeed. The first nation in the world must act upon all others; and her policy, which is already bringing will, through the numerous channels of her political and social influences-by successful modifications of hostile tariffs-create a general tendency towards, and prepare a not distant triumph for, the universal emancipation of the world." Even in Spain a ray of hope is visible. The Report of our Import Duties' Committee has been translated into Spanish. The proceedings of the League have there attracted much attention. The newspapers are beginning to enlighten the Spanish mind on these important questions. In a word, whichever way we look, the signs of the times are encouraging. The right hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) has found much to invite him forward; and while so proceeding forward, to remove every impediment, every difficulty in the way of the freest intercourse, he will be hailed, in the proportion to his merits, as the benefactor of his country and of mankind.

the various Italian Governments into co-operation,

COLONEL SIBTHORP thought that the

MR. HENLEY censured the conduct of the Government in repealing taxes in deference to agitation. It was only those who made a noise about a tax who got it repealed. Turnpike-gates were not suppressed in Wales till Rebecca came; the gentlemen of the League had kicked up a row, and had got their object. The agriculturists wished for the repeal of the malt tax; but they repressed agitation instead of encouraging it, and, consequently, got no relief. This was not treating the agriculturists quite fairly. He would not enter into the great question whether customs or excise duties ought to be taken off; but when the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that they ought to be taken off equally, he begged to say that was not the course pursued; a much larger amount of customs than excise duties had always been removed: if excise duties were taken off they must do away with a great deal of patronage; but by repealing customs duties they were always told that not a single custom-house officer less would be required, and that was the reason why the latter duties were taken off, and not the former. To all Governments it was as natural as

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment read a second time.
Bill ordered to be read a third time.

VISCOUNT HARDINGE'S ANNUITY BILL. House in Committee on Viscount Hardinge's Annuity Bill. On the 1st Clause,

eating their breakfast to keep up patronage | per cent of protection on manufactures, -it was a part of the system and mystery whilst they deprived the land of all protecof Government. He did not impute it in tion by their Corn Law Repeal Bill-at particular to the present Government; it least, within a very short period; and, was common to all Governments. There though he might be met with the argument was another matter at which he could not that this was a question of revenue, he help looking with apprehension. At pre- could not see why the revenue argument sent the taxation of this country was should not be equally applied to the prospread over a vast surface: they had duce of the land as well as of manufaclearnt by experience that indirect taxation tures. With these views, if the noble had run its limits, and they had had Lord pressed his Amendment, he would some experience also that direct taxation divide with him against a measure which was in nearly the same state; the property he considered was unjust, unwise, impolitic, tax was not now nearly so productive as at and dangerous. first; but it was evidently the intention of the Government to reduce the revenue to as few heads as possible, and he did not deny that some expense of collection might thereby be saved; but he recollected the agitation against the income tax, then producing 1,000,000. The Minister said that he could not do without it; but the people would not pay it, and the Minister did without it. Now, when the mass of the revenue was collected from a few heads of taxation only, they might have a run against one of those heads, and some fine morning suddenly find themselves short of the money to pay the national creditors. The hon. and learned Doctor (Bowring) had said that the right hon. Baronet at the head of the Government was the most popular man in Europe; it was possible that his present measures tended to make him so, as they were more calculated to benefit foreigners than Englishmen; but, for his own part, he should prefer that the right hon. Baronet was the most popular man in England.

MR. HUDSON, in addressing a few words on the subject of this measure, said, in reference to the silk question, that the mere consumption of a greater amount of the raw material was not the proper test of the state of those employed in that manufacture; but that the real test was, whether those employed were better paid for their labour. He contended that they were worse paid than previously. Again, in regard to what the Government was doing with timber, it would have been preferable to have reduced the excise duty on bricks; for, in the one case, the advantage went into the pockets of the foreigner, whilst, in the latter case, the benefit would be on the side of their own countrymen. He and his Friends around him objected to these measures of the Government because they were of an un-English character. They put, too, 10, and, in some instances, 15

SIR A. L. HAY moved that the annuity to Viscount Hardinge be payable to him, during his life, irrespective of any grant by the East India Company.

SIR R. PEEL trusted that on such a Bill as this there would be general unanimity exhibited. The Government had proposed that an annuity of 3,000l. should be paid to Viscount Hardinge; the East India Company voluntarily, and without any communication with the Government, had determined to give to his noble Friend an annuity of 5,000l. The Government, acting in deference to the principle laid down by the House of Commons, proposed that the 3,000l. a year should not be received along with the larger grant.

MR. HUME conceived that the principle on which the House acted was entirely erroneous. He had no objection to the House bestowing Peerages for life on deserving persons; but he did not see why pensions should be given to their descendants to support those titles. Why should the House, having once granted the money, propose to stop their hands because the East India Company came forward to give a grant also?

MR. HENLEY said, it was a strange measure of justice that, because the East India Company did one thing, the House should do another. He thought, instead of granting a pension for a limited period to Viscount Hardinge, that a sum of money hould be laid out for the purchase of land, which would cost no more to the country; whilst it would be a permanent advantage to the noble Lord and his family.

S

SIR A. L. HAY said, the Bill as brought

into the House contained a clause declaring | besides, the intimate private friend of the that none of the money to be granted to noble Lord, proposed what he considered Viscount Hardinge should be allowed to to be a sufficient grant, he thought it was him, because the East India Company had an outrageous thing to endeavour to inacted liberally towards him. He thought crease it. nothing could be greater than the merits of that distinguished individual, which deserved every reward the House could confer on him.

MR. HOGG begged the hon. Gentleman not to suppose that he individually, or the House collectively, had anything to do with the grant of the East India Company. The grant was complete as it stood, and required no sanction from the Parliament. It was only necessary to have the sanction of the Crown, of the First Minister of the Crown, or of that Minister more immediately connected with India. The clause was introduced to restrict the operation of a prohibitory clause, which enacted that the Viscount Hardinge should not receive any addition to his salary as Governor General of India.

MR. WILLIAMS said, he should certainly oppose the Motion of the hon. and gallant Gentleman. He would make no objection to the Bill before the House, but he should offer his decided opposition to the Amendment. He thought such Peerages ought to be granted for life, and also that the House of Commons ought to come to a decision to withhold any grants to future generations.

COLONEL SIBTHORP agreed fully with the hon. and gallant Officer opposite. Considering the services of the noble Lord, the pension was a very small one, and he was sorry to see the mean disposition shown by the House of Commons in attempting to hold back. The hon. Member for Coventry and his party were very fond of preaching economy, but they did not always practise what they preached. He was sorry that the pension was not more, and he was sure no Englishman would be found to object to it.

MR. CURTEIS said, he was an Englishman who would vote against the Amendment. When they knew that the Prime Minister was connected with the noble Lord by ties of the closest intimacy, he could not, without the deepest regret, perceive an attempt made in the House of Commons to urge the right hon. Baronet to go farther than he thought necessary. He supposed the hon. and gallant Officer was actuated by a certain esprit de corps in bringing forward the matter, but when the First Lord of the Treasury, who was,

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SIR ROBERT PEEL would wish the House exactly to understand the way in which the question stood. He could not take credit to himself at all for having made this proposition on account of the distress of the country. This country was undoubtedly rich enough to grant any amount of pension that might be considered advisable; but, looking back to the precedents when distinguished general officers had performed those services for which Peerages had been conferred, he found that the usual rule was to grant a pension of 2,000l. a year with the Peerage. When the Duke of Wellington was made a Viscount the pension attached was, he thought, 2,000l. for two lives. Again, when Lord Combermere was made a Viscount, some objection was raised to giving a pension at the same time, as it was alleged that his private circumstances were such as did not require any pecuniary provision. An explanation was afterwards made to the effect that his private fortune was not so large as had been supposed, and a pension of 2,000l. a year was then attached. He thought the general rule was to attach to the Peerage a pension of 2,000l. a year. In some cases this pension was permanently attached to the Peerage; but in others, and, he believed, the greater number of instances, the pension was granted for three lives. Under these circumstances, Her Majesty's Government made the proposal to attach a pension of 3,000l. a year to Lord Hardinge's title, to continue for three lives; and a pension of 2,000b. a year, for the same duration, to Lord Gough. Subsequently, however, the East India Company signified to the Crown that they wished to reward, by a personal grant, the services which Lord Gough and Lord Hardinge had performed. The consent of the Crown was necessary for the validity of that Act; and the intervention of Parliament was also necessary, because, by the existing law, Lord Hardinge could not receive the pension of 5,000l. a year until he resigned his office of Governor General of India. The East India Company wished to make their pension take effect immediately, and, therefore, as long as his noble Friend retained the office of Governor General of India, he would receive his pension and draw his salary in addition.

There

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