was greatly desirous of showing the ex- the information might be found in Macpense of cultivation in England as compared gregor's Tables. The last work he had to that of other nations. This, however, read upon the subject of the Russian he found himself unable to accomplish; but Empire fully entered into the question of as he spoke in the earlier part of his ad- her prodigious powers, and as the extract dress of the amount of taxation upon the was not of a lengthy character, he would British farmer, he would follow out his ob-read it to the House. The author of servations by showing, that a great differ- Revelations of Russia said—

try to thrive and prosper on it, if driven to consume it at home. Corn, tallow, hemp, hides, wool, and wine-her staple articles-she might easily produce in tenfold abundance, and so cheap as to

undersell all the world."

Thus Russia presented herself to this country upon this question; nor could it be denied that the prospect of competition

nature.

He need scarcely allude to the United States of America more particularly than he had done. Land in that country was of such extraordinary fertility, that it would continue to produce without the application of manure for a cenhad been raised on land which had been tury. In the State of Virginia, corn left without manure for one hundred years. The land was cleared or disforested, and

ence existed between the farmers of this "A prodigious extent of the territories of Eurocountry and America, and prove that al-pean Russia is wonderfully fertile. Its produce though corn might be made cheaper in is such, that there must always be an increasing England, and that the prices of other com-sufficiently various and useful to enable the coundemand from abroad, and partially of a nature modities might be made less, yet that the position of the farmer and the labourer was, nevertheless, not so advantageous in comparison. He would take the State of Ohio, and he would give the average rate of taxation per head. Two sorts of taxation were to be considered-the taxation of the State and the general taxation. The result appeared to be this-that the gene-was, as respected her, of a tremendous ral taxation was 6s. 9d. a head, and the State taxation 5s. 8d. The taxation of this country was much higher; indeed he thought that the average amount was 11. 7s. 9d. Look also at the difference in the amount of rent. The cost of some descriptions of land in America was not more than 5s. an acre, which, if considered in the light of thirty years' purchase, would give the annual rental not more than 2d. for the quantity. The rent of land in Eng-three or four crops were taken from it sueland was as high as 20s. per acre. Add to that the large tithes, 5s. per acre, and the small tithes 1s. 6d., and the amount of other burdens, and the cost of land in this country would not be much less than 11. 11s. per acre a difference, really of 11. 10s. 10d. between England and America. It was quite plain, therefore, that this country could not enter into competition with America. He had wearied the House, he feared, when referring to Russia on a former occasion; but he could not avoid on

the present occasion to quote a slight portion of the statistics of that country. From these figures it would be seen that much cause for alarm existed. Looking at the returns from the year 1828 to 1835, of the amount of grain consumed, and then left over for the next year, after deducting the necessary amount for seed, it appeared that Russia had an immense surplus. He found the produce which remained in seven years amounted to the extraordinary quantity of 28,000,000 of quarters. [An. hon. MEMBER: In the whole of Russia?] Yes; the whole of Russia. This was given in certain Russian statistics, by a person whose name he could not pronounce, but

that land.

cessively. This would show that this country had much to fear from America. It had been attempted to be shown that this Bill would cause a large increase in the exports of this country to America, and so keep down its increase of manufactures in If, however, it could be shown that this effect could not follow, then he would say, that the principle and interest of the measure stood indeed upon fallacious ground; for not only would agriculture be destroyed, but also the labourers injured to an incalculable extent in addition.

On

this very point, indeed, what did Mr. Elsworth say? At page 585 of his book stood

this

a source of supply was still open for trial before the country was thrown defenceless to the competition of the world. In a few words, what had become of the Colonies? What reward had this country returned for the fidelity and resources of the Colonies? What were her engagements with them? In the year 1842 only had an Act been passed, which conferred a kind of free trade on Canada. He had opposed that Bill, and he had done so conscientiously. But though reasons existed against the measure to which he referred the contiguity of Canada to the United States, for instance these objections did not exist with respect to Australia. The Australians had loaded the Table of the House with petitions; but they were left with the agriculturists of Canada to the free competition with those nations who only re

relaxation with hostile Tariffs. He had referred a few nights since to the feeling existing in the Canadas upon the question of free trade, and he would trouble the House with a short extract of a speech made by Mr. Sherwood, the Solicitor General, for an indication of that opinion. Mr. Sherwood said

mit, to draw the attention of the House to the condition of the landlord, the farmer, and also the labourer: and if hon. Members would only apply the same process of reasoning to this question which had been applied to the Ten Hours' Bill, the conclusion would be identical; competition must inevitably attack the profits of capital, and this must react on the wages of labour. It was stated that the difference would, on the Ten Hours' Bill, amount to ten per cent; but on this question of a free trade in corn came in the competition of a whole world with Great Britain; and no one, on this view, could arrive at any other conclusion than that the profits of farming capital would indeed be lowered, and that the labourer would be more deeply injured than any other portion of the community. The hon. Member for Oxford had on a previous occasion spoken of the in-warded us for our generosity by meeting jury that would accrue to the holders of tithes by the operation of the Bill, though he had as yet heard no hon. Member follow out these observations. He would say that this measure would inflict a great injury upon the clerical titheowners, if passed into a law. When the noble Lord on the other side brought forward the Tithe Commutation Act, he conferred a great benefit upon the titheowner. He did not allude to the saving of money alone, but the improved footing upon which the clergyman was placed with his congregation and tenants. Look at this tithe question for a moment. The Act passed in 1825, and the lowest price of corn for that year was 39s. Had the Government commuted tithes upon the prices of that year, they would have committed a great injustice to the titheowner. They were forced to take an average upon a series of years; and it had been shown by a return which had been moved for by some hon. Member, that only a very small difference of prices had ever arisen in the septennial series of years, not more, he thought, than 1s. per quarter. Seeing that a parish was indebted for much of its charity to the clergyman, it would be as great an injury to the locality, as well as to the titheowner himself, to reduce the averages one-fifth in amount. There was one topic more on which he desired to say a few words, though he feared he had already trespassed too far on the attention and time of the House. It appeared to him, that if all land available for the purpose had been brought into cultivation, and that all better means of cultivation having been tried-that these failing,

"He did hope, however, that the commercial class would maturely weigh all the consequences which must result from the substitution of the country. It would be impossible but that such a change in our commercial relations would very soon bring about a change in all our other relations. Our interests would cease to be identified with the interests of the parent state; our mental associations would assume new forms; our customs, and laws, aye, and our institutions too, would be assimilated to those of the people with whom we cultivated mercantile relations. There was a time, the hon. Gentleman said, when he beinterest; but he had lived long enough to change lieved that patriotism had no connexion with selfhis opinions on that subject, and he did think that loyalty had some relation to pecuniary considerations. If, however, by a course of Imperial policy, over which the people of Canada can exert no possible control, they are forced into a new sphere of social and political attraction, they are not the culpable party."

United States' markets for those of the mother

Such was the opinion of the Solicitor General, given, he believed, at a free-trade meeting at Montreal. It had been stated, that the United States took the manufactures of England in proportions so large above the Colonies of Great Britain that this country must foster the trade with that country. How stood the fact? He would take the two items of printed and plain calicoes. The export of plain calicoes to the United States had only increased in four years 455,928 yards, while of printed and dyed

calicoes, the export of 1845, as compared | county of Essex, and from that the House with 1841, had decreased 12,927,430 could make a calculation with reference to yards. The export of plain calicoes- other counties. The following were the remark this to British America had in-turns :creased, in four years, 4,655,649 yards, and of printed and dyed calicoes, 2,658,758 yards. This was the official return :— Plain Calicoes to United States

13,097,851
13,362,173

the United States in 1845 Ditto to British America

Medical relief in the county of

returns.

Essex, years ending March,
1844, 7,8717. 12s..........half
Schoolmasters and mistresses.
-I can find no
Witham Union, 55l. There
are 17 known in the county
.............would make
Auditor for county ............
Subsistence of prisoners, in-
cluding bedding, clothing,
and other expenses inciden-
tal on their imprisonment
in all the prisons in the
county

Expenses of prosecutions-as-
sizes, quarter sessions, ad-
journed sessions, and Central
Criminal Court, 4,3177. 10s.
10d. Half of this is now
paid out of the Consolidated
Fund

£3,935 16 0

935 0 0 350 0 0

3,319 5 8

2,158 18 5

Total of local taxation pro-
posed to be paid out of the
general taxation of the coun-
try.....
Calculation showing what relief the proposed
payments would afford to the country, or on an
acre of land in the county of Essex :-

limits of a letter will not permit me to state a great deal. But, for example, abolish the Corn Laws; in so doing, put the poor, county, police, and highway rates on the Consolidated Fund; the whole nation to bear the expense. Do away with the law of settlement, which would save all the law expenses, little short of a million sterling, expended in contesting the settlement of the unfortunate pauper, who, having laboured hard in a manufacturing district, and having been located for years, in his old age is sent to his parish, not knowing a soul, but to die in the parish workhouse. Reduce the import duties upon our own peculiar manufactures of earthenware, and upon printed cottons, silks, &c. Levy only an import duty, for statistical purposes, on the foregoing and following articles, tea, sugar, &c., and impose a Property Tax and a modified Income Tax; and, this done, I have little doubt but faith can be kept with the public creditor, and that the entire classes of the people, whether agriculturists or manufacturer, landed proprietor or operative, will be benefited; but a partial free trade must be conducive to ill, at least in my judgment. My remarks are crude, but I feel confident, ere long, there are parties who will put them into a proper shape, and adopt something very like them."

not help that. He would not, however, quote their speeches against them. But in the absence of quoting these matters he had fallen upon the words of one who so well expressed the opinions he held, that he should take the liberty of reading them to the House. The passage he should read was published in Hunt's Magazine, an American publication. The article was written after the last hostile tariff in 1833. It was as follows:

"We are in favour of the protective system, because we believe it is calculated to promote the interest of our country, and our whole country. We believe that there is no one question of national policy in which the people have so deep an interest as the one we have been considering. We are in favour of it, because it will promote the interest of the manufacturers, and save from ruin the 300,000,000 dollars of capital invested in that useful department of human industry. We are in favour of it, because we believe that it is protective of the commercial interests. We are in favour of it, because we regard it as essential to agriculture, that great and paramount interest, which is the

motes the interest of the labourers of the country. This, after all, is the interest which requires the money for his support. If the times are hard, his most protection. The rich man can rely upon his money becomes more valuable, as it will command a better interest, and furnish him more of the comforts and luxuries of life. But to the poor man, the labourer, who has no capital but his ability to toil-to such a one a prostration of business is absolute ruin. Now, as the protective policy is calculated to revive business, and give the labourer the due reward of his toil, we regard it as the poor man's system-as his rightful in

Now it appeared from that, that though foundation of every other. But above all, we are 110 and 114 Members of that House ad-in favour of the protective system, because it prohered to the right hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, yet it was clear that some of the friends of the Government had wider notions of taxation to be repealed than others. Who had heard of these reductions except through this letter? But another cry existed, to which he would briefly allude. Many persons had no doubt read a pamphlet written by Messrs. Morton and Trimmer. Of its merits he would say nothing; because, founded on false data, he should not use its arguments. But to show the opinion of free traders themselves upon the change necessary to be made if protection were removed, the pamphlet was of value, and he would read a portion. Messrs. Morton and Trimmer, at page 61, say

"With the total repeal of all duties upon corn which the agriculturists have a right to expect," they then say "Let the agriculturists (rather) agitate for a total repeal of all duties on malt and hops, whether for revenue or protection, and the reduction of the duties on tobacco and sugar to one-half of their present amount; and there can be little doubt, with the aid of the great mass of consumers of all classes, they will succeed. It cannot be for a moment doubted that the removal of all protection duties, whether colonial or manufacturing, will accompany the discontinuance of protection to agriculture. This the agriculturists have a right to expect.”

He had not quoted one word from Hansard, upon the recorded sentiments of Members of the Government upon this question of a repeal of the Corn Laws. If hon. Members had turned their backs on old and apparently long cherished opinions, he could

heritance."

Such were the sentiments of an American; and he (Mr. Miles) believed this to be the best and truest mode of placing the system to which the pamphlet made reference upon record. Protection was indeed a system adapted to benefit the labourer; and let those who opposed the present measure never forget this. It was for the lower classes-it was for those who had only industry on their side-who had not capital to support them-it was for the labourers of England, that they took up their strong ground, and declared that they would throw what opposition they could in the way of the Bill. He had now done; and, thanking the House for the attention with which they had on all occasions listened to him, he did think that they had held up a good moral lesson to those who might succeed them, because, when deserted by their leaders, they had not flinched from the principles which they had previously maintained. They had shown no self-interest in their advocacy of this cause they were