know that in even the smallest villages | been caused by the worst horrors of war. there was to be found a shop filled with In his opinion the desolation and the the goods of Manchester; they also knew amount of suffering which would be caused how those villages were studded over the by the measure under their Lordships' country. The quantity of goods which consideration would be infinitely greater they sold must, in the aggregate, be very amongst the men of small capital than had great; and proved the value of the home been that caused by the Bill of 1819. market, which, most undoubtedly, would Unquestionably, it was most desirable be placed in much danger by the measure that a better mode of cultivation should under their Lordships' consideration. His be introduced wherever practicable; but noble Friend had also alluded to the state in order that that should be so capital was of the labour market. Undoubtedly the wanted; and his noble Friends were not lot of the labouring man was a chequered going the right way to increase the capital one, and would to God that legislation of the farmer. Under favourable circumcould improve it! but he was much afraid stances, the cultivator, by a free outlay of that the measure now proposed by Her capital and skill, might grow four or even Majesty's Government would reduce the five quarters of wheat where he now grew condition of the labourer to the level of the only three; but if that measure passed, cultivator of the soil in foreign countries. the fall in prices would be so great that it If wages could be maintained under the was probable he might not obtain more for altered law, no question then the measure his four quarters than he now did for his would be a boon to the labourer; but the three. He had heard with much regret rate of wages must be regulated by the those remarks of his noble Friend which demand and the supply in the labour seemed to impute idleness and want of market; and although the examples of energy to the English farmer-the fact Poland and of America proved that there being, that there was no part of the world was no inseparable connexion between the in which a better system of husbandry preprice of food and the price of labour, still vailed-no country in which so much was he feared that in England, where the la- produced, in comparison to the space culbour market was already overstocked-tivated; as was proved by eminent statiswhere the population was increasing at tical writers, both in France and America. the rate of 1,000 a day, if much land were A most eminent statistical writer declared, thrown out of cultivation, the labour market that while the average produce of wheat in would become more overstocked, and then France was fourteen bushels to the acre, he feared the wages must, and would, be and while it was fifteen bushels in Ameregulated by the price of provisions, and rica, the produce in England was immeabe reduced to the lowest level at which surably superior to either country. The human existence could be maintained. It same writer also stated, that while the might be said that he was wrong in sup-cattle, sheep, and pigs of England had posing that land would be thrown out of doubled since 1710, in the whole of cultivation. His noble Friend had alluded, France, matters as regarded live stock too slightly he thought, to the case of the remained almost in statu quo, although small farmers-men who, he said, ought the amount of population and the territonot to be farmers at all-who had no busi-rial extent greatly exceeded that of Engness to be farmers. They were a large land. His noble Friend who moved the body of men. The measure before the second reading of the Bill, said he did not House would consign to hopeless ruin a lay much stress upon the famine in Irelarge proportion of the tenantry of Eng-land-he did not support the Bill on that land. Their Lordships with their thousands would feel the blow perhaps but slightly, and without the loss of one substantial comfort; but the same blow would strike that unfortunate class to the ground. The wealthy farmer might ride the gale out in safety; but it would wholly swamp him who was obliged to sell his produce the moment he obtained it. It had been said that the Currency Bill of 1819 had been as disastrous as a field of battle, and had caused as much desolation as had ever VOL. LXXXVI. {Series} Third

ground alone. The noble Duke on the cross bench had happily observed, that very different opinions had been given in the other House, for the introduction of the measure. He thought that was one point on which the country had a right to complain. The opinions which had been advanced in its favour had not always been consistent; they had varied with every varying circumstance, and made to shift as party tactics required. On such a question the views of the Government

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should be intelligible, and distinctly laid | measure was propounded, intended to indown-not even the shadow of a doubt vest no less than 150,000l. in agricultural ought to rest upon them. He had no improvements; and though he was a perdoubt that the right hon. Gentleman who son who expressed no great fear with refilled the office of First Minister of the gard to the result of the project, yet he Crown had consulted what he conscien- declined investing his money until he saw tiously believed to be the best interests of what would be the effect of it. That was the country; he acquitted him of acting an important fact, and he was very much from any sordid or ungenerous motive, afraid that the example of this person but he must be forgiven for saying that he would be followed by many others in condid not think that he and those who had sequence of the new legislative policy of acted with him had done that which public Her Majesty's Government. Men would men should do. He did not think that the now pause before they invested their capiposition taken up in reference to the coun- tal in the improvement of the soil, and try was an ingenuous one, or their manner their hesitation would be fully justified of treating a great and honourable party under such circumstances; their proceedhad been fair. In public as in private ings would be marked by temperate caulife, any departure from the straightfor- tion and prudence. They would not enter ward path of honesty was sure to be pu- into doubtful speculations - they would nished-retribution was sure to follow in wait until they saw the effect of this great the loss of all moral influence to the guilty practical experiment; and it must be proparty. However much he deprecated the ductive of baneful results. His noble and measure, he would have felt it more deeply learned Friend (Lord Brougham) who painful to have opposed it, had it been spoke last night, referred to the question supported by the noble Duke behind him. of the price of food, and expressed his Nothing could erase from his memory the hope and belief that the price of bread events of the last autumn. No after agree- under the new system would be moderate. ments, no after explanations, could ever But he (the Earl of Carnarvon) very lessen or impair the effects of the resigna- much disliked the proposed measure, betion of the noble Duke and his other noble cause he thought it would have quite as Friends who were now Ministers of the much tendency to make the price extraCrown. He well knew that in the noble ordinarily high-high to a ruinous extent, Duke's (the Duke of Wellington) long ca- as to effect a great reduction in it. If reer of public life, there rested not a speck this Bill passed we must necessarily deon the stainless mirror of his honour. He pend in a great measure for a supply of could not forget the practical sagacity with corn from the northern parts of Europe, which the noble Duke had long led his where land was little burdened with local party; neither could he cease to recollect taxation, and labour was wonderfully cheap. the debt of deep gratitude which the The effect of that competition would be to people of this country owed to the noble throw the lighter and indifferent descripDuke; he could not forget that which was tions of land out of cultivation, and consean old story, that but for the noble Duke quently deprive a large portion of the lawe might have neither Corn Laws or bouring population of the means of employcountry to save. It was formerly said that ment. What, then, would become of the if the Corn Laws were repealed 2,000,000 English people if we had a deficient harof acres of the best land in England would vest, and that we required a large supbe thrown out of cultivation, and 6,000,000 ply of grain from foreign States? of people would be thrown out of em- should be perfectly helpless. The same ployment, and reduced to beggary and cause which affected the harvests in this despair. Now for his own part he must country, generally affected in the same way confess be had little faith in political pro- the harvests in foreign countries; and phecies of any kind, whether made by when Governments of those foreign himself or by others; but he hat in States actually forbid the exportaa great measure tenants we by tion of they would, for self-preser the impressions of their la and vation a for the purpose of areas that those feelings had a ma eting their place a very l upon the march of improveme port duty hich would hav was one fact he wished to ment the same e Toder such a sy He could ir Lordships, hought the 1 who, befo

heard

agriculture. It was said that the United | should enable England, from her own reStates would remedy this difficulty; but, sources, to produce sufficient food for the generally speaking, their harvests were sustenance of the people. A noble Lord affected as much as our own. The scarcity in the other House had collected some and plenty at different times, which he be- valuable statistical information in reference lieved must be the result of the proposed to the agricultural improvements which system, would produce such violent fluetu- had taken place in this country. Sir H. ations in prices as to inflict great injury on Parnell, when Chairman of the Corn Comboth the producers and consumers. When, mittee in 1833, stated that the agricultural according to Mr. Hudson, corn could be produce of the kingdom had increased onebrought from Hamburgh and sold here at fourth during the ten previous years; Mr. 25s. a quarter, it was a period of our Wakefield, in 1801, computed the average greatest peril; and the result he (the Earl produce of the wheat lands of England at of Carnarvon) believed would be the same seventeen bushels an acre; Mr. M'Culloch, if the measure before the House came into in 1840, estimated the average produce operation. If a regular corn trade was per acre at twenty-six bushels; and, in established, he could not doubt that foreign 1844, Mr. M'Gregor estimated it at twencountries would give every facility, com- ty-eight bushels. These facts showed that patible, of course, with their own interests, the protective system was favourable to to maintain it; and that even British capi- agricultural improvement. They were told tal would rush into those countries, offer- that importation would never be prevented, ing, as they then would, so fair and ample and that even in the last war large quana field for speculation. It had been well laid tities of corn were imported from France. down that when an article could be pro- But he believed the year 1810 was a very gressively increased to any extent, that its peculiar one; there was an unusually abunprice would not rise in proportion to the dant harvest in France, and a deficient one increased demand, but that, in the long in England; he understood, too, that cerrun, the price would fall. A steady in- tain parties obtained influence through crease in the demand was frequently met some of Napoleon's marshals, and an exby a more than equivalent amount of pro- portation was allowed that, under ordinary duction, and a reduction of price was the circumstances, would not have been perconsequence. The tea trade had been mitted. But if the argument founded on very appositely referred to in support of the advantage of being independent of this view. There had been a prodigiously other countries for our supply of food was increasing demand for tea from China tenable in 1840, he did not see that anywithin the last few years, and yet there thing had occurred to make it untenable at had been a progressive fall in price. Why the present time. He did not believe the should not the same results attend a de- principle was asserted merely to draw a mand for foreign corn, and an increased convenient roar from the British lion of importation of foreign food into this coun- the day. Perhaps he might be allowed to try? Considering the whole circumstances say a word or two on the circumstances of the case, he believed they were treading connected with the proposal of this meaon difficult if not on dangerous ground- sure by Her Majesty's Government. There that they were embarking on a course of was in this country a strong and ardent hazardous legislation. Agriculture in this feeling in favour of plain straightforward country had made gigantic strides-that honesty of conduct. The eyes of the pubwas admitted by the noble Lord who in- lic, too, were narrowly fixed on the conduct troduced the Bill; but he said, at the same of public men; and, whether it was prejutime, that the greater was the occasion for dice or not, the people to a great extent the adoption of such a measure. But he connected character with consistency. He (the Earl of Carnarvon) asked, when the thanked God it was so; for it was not for country was in a state of prosperity-when the interest of either public or private life millions of capital were invested in agricul- that sudden departure from long recorded ture on the faith of their own protective laws opinions should pass without involving some -was it wise, was it fair, on the part of the kind of penalty. Therefore he could not Government and the Legislature towards look upon the policy of the Government the agricultural interests, to deprive them as a mere question of defective party maof the only chance of working out that nagement-he looked upon it as wrong system of improvement? for it was a con- and unprincipled-he would not say intensummation most devoutly to be wished which tionally so; but if ever there was a House

of Commons elected upon a given principle | unhappy policy reduced one of the most -if ever there was a Government bound powerful Governments that had ever existby the circumstances of their formation to ed in this country. Like Samson they had the principle of protection, it was the Go- been shorn of that which was the implevernment of his noble Friends. The poli- ment of their strength, by a single stroke, tical history of their lives was a continued in the plenitude of their power, as yet unpledge; they were pledged by their lan- touched by the faintest germ of decay. guage in office, by their language out of There never was, he believed, a Governoffice; they were bound by acts stronger ment possessed of more real power for than any verbal pledges. That the con- useful purposes-there never was a Gostituencies were unintentionally misled he vernment which from the peculiar circumwas quite willing to believe; but still they stances of its position was enabled to do were misled, and he did not think that the more of great and useful acts—there never Government of the country, when they had was a Government from whom the people discovered their mistake, had any right to of this country would have accepted more take advantage of their own wrong, and to of real and solid reform. Would to God give effect to their own error. The agri- that the better counsels of his noble Friend cultural constituencies of this country the noble Duke, and of his noble Friend would never have wielded the electoral the late Secretary of the Colonies, had franchise in favour of his noble Friends, in November last prevailed, over what he if they had had the remotest notion that must term the infatuated councils of that they intended so soon to depart from their day; but it was otherwise decreed, and all former professions. The strong man was the confidence had been destroyed, and all lulled to sleep by his confidence in their the strength which was given for better and intentions; and now that he had yielded for higher purposes, had been cast away. his weapons to them, they hoped to van- Many who were lately their stanchest quish him unarmed without a struggle. friends were now in open opposition to the Under the banner of protection the Go-Government; others, who actually sympavernment of the country ventured to the battle-field against what was then termed the maddening cry of cheap bread; they secured the followers of the party, and then drove the noble Lords on the other side of the House out of office. They were eject-ing for it with a heavy and misgiving ed from office for the crime of proposing heart. Could a policy be statesmanlike an insufficient protection of an 8s. duty; which produced such results as these? and now the First Minister of the Crown Could a policy which placed every human came down and proposed a virtual duty of being connected with it in a false position, 4s. Under no conceivable circumstances from the Minister in the Cabinet, who was should the Government of the country ab-known a short time since to have been a rogate their own enactments. They should strenuous advocate of the Corn Law, down do it with the utmost degree of caution to the humblest follower of the party, who and care, for the sake of the country which scarcely knew what to do between his conshould place confidence in public men. science and his duty-could such a policy Without intending to say anything in the be a statesmanlike policy? Could this slightest degree offensive to his noble measure come before their Lordships with Friends, who had been placed in a most any real weight, when it was in startling embarrassing position, still he thought that, opposition to the decision at which the all the circumstances considered, this was House had arrived a year ago? This time too strong a departure from those fair and last year the House of Commons had derecognised principles which ought to ac- cided against this measure by a large matuate public men towards each other and jority; this year it had decided by as large towards their country. He would ask, if a majority in its favour. Which spoke the the principle was questionable, was the real sense of the country-the decision policy good as far as it had been developed? which was arrived at in a period of calmWas the utter alienation of such a greatness and freedom from excitement, or that element in the constitution of things in this country as the great landed interest a wise and statesman-like policy? Alas, to what a state of moral weakness had this

thized with their policy in another place, yet were unable, from a sense of duty, to support them, and were compelled to retire from Parliament; others, protesting in their speeches against their policy, and yet vot

which had just been adopted under the pressure of the most conflicting and agitating emotions that could afflict the mind of man? It was the duty of the Government

of the country to raise the tone of public | cipitate change, without firmly opposing a morals, not to elevate or depress in any way the standard of political honour; and he did not think that the Government of the country should have called upon the House of Commons to do that from which the most highminded of their supporters had shrunk, and thrown up their seats. Talk of delegates-one of the greatest mischiefs that could arise from this measure was, that it went directly to the establishment of delegation, as the only mode the constituencies could have of ensuring some kind of representation. Under these circumstances, Ministers should have referred the question to the free and open verdict of the English people. They should have said to the great interests, "We have changed our opinion-have you changed yours? Take back the trust which you gave us under this impression, or confirm it under the altered circumstances of the case. We will not avail ourselves of any false or ungenerous advantages; we will not fight you with the weapons with which your unsuspecting confidence has armed

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single object of useful innovation. Considerate men of all classes, agricultural, commercial, and manufacturing, would not disapprove of a considerate policy. Let not the cry of that true-hearted body of men, the yeomanry of England, who had been connected for so many centuries with their Lordships' families-let not that cry come up to them in vain-they did not ask for favour at their Lordships' hands, they only asked for justice. They craved no partial, no final decision: they only prayed that, as far as this question was concerned, they might not be practically blotted out from the representation of their country, or sacrificed, without having an opportunity of exercising, at the determination of this question, that legitimate influence which was vested in them by the Constitution of their country; but of which they complained they had been robbed, by no fault, no negligence of their own, but by the most extraordinary change of opinion of those who governed, and those who represented them, that the yeomanry of any country were ever subject to. They asked their Lordships to exercise their legitimate functions with that caution which they applied to the meanest case of property that came under their notice. In this case, the

We come to you in what we believe to be the name of the country, though with altered views. If you adhere to your own opinions, we ask for a fair field, and the country to decide between us. Had his noble Friends adopted this course, how-property of the yeomanry to the amount of ever much he might have differed from them in opinion, they would have won the approbation and admiration of every gallant heart. It was for the purpose of rectifying this error into which he conceived they had fallen, rather than permanently to oppose the progress of the Bill, that he should give his vote against the second reading, for the purpose of obtaining for the people and for the agricultural interest an opportunity of pronouncing their opinion upon it. Let him beg noble Lords not to consider that, in voting for the Amendment of his noble Friend, the noble Duke on the cross bench, they were deciding irrevocably against this measure. They were not doing so; they were only securing for the country that breathing-time of which it had been deprived by what he must term, at the time when this measure was brought forward, a panic-stricken policy. That House had ever been considered the guardian of the rights of the people: it was, he believed, revered as such. Let not their Lordships divest themselves of that sacred character. Their Lordships' House had ever been looked up to for that restraining judgment which tempered pre