chants of Dublin; but they proved indisputably that there was a second Catholic Ireland, unreconciled and unreconcilable, of the existence of which they were unconscious, and that to trust to these gentlemen as the exponents of the feelings of their countrymen was fond and infatuated credulity.1

1 I have told Father Sheehy's story at some length, on account of the prominence given to it by Irish historians. The celebrated Father O'Leary the most plausible, and, perhaps, essentially the falsest of all Irish writers asserted twenty years later that Bridges, for whose murder Sheehy had been hanged, was still alive. Mr. Daniel Toler brought O'Leary's statement before the House of Commons. "He was himself," he said, "High Sheriff of Tipperary when Sheehy suffered. . . . . He had impanelled a most respectable jury. Sheehy had been convicted on the fullest and clearest evidence. He had visited him afterwards in the goal, when he confessed that Bridges had been murdered, though he denied that he had himself a hand in it. He had drawn attention to the matter," Mr. Toler said, "to detect such agitators as Mr. O'Leary in their falsehood. A cause that required such advocates and such means of defence must be desperate indeed.” — Irish Debates, vol. vii. p. 342.

SECTION IV.

THE war which was closed by the Peace of Paris, in February, 1763, had cost England more than a hundred millions. Ireland had contributed in proportion to her resources. She had increased her debt by five hundred thousand pounds. She had added fifty thousand a year while the fighting lasted to the half million which was annually expended on her military establishment. So great, and not greater, was the value of Ireland to the empire after six centuries of occupation. The Irish brigade which turned the scale at Fontenoy furnished more than an equivalent on the other side, and reduced her weight to zero. England came out of the conflict with singular glory. Though Pitt resigned before it was over, his genius, as Horace Walpole said, shone still "like an annihilated star." The work had been too completely done for Bute and Grenville to spoil it. Ireland lay the while like some ill-kept back premises in the rear of the Imperial mansion, fit only to be concealed, and as far as possible forgotten. She had been in distinct danger of invasion, yet she was left undefended. Forty-two regiments furnished her nominal army contingent. There were not troops enough in the island to keep the peace of Tipperary. The charge for the Ordinance Department was 45,000. The whole artillery in the kingdom would not furnish out a thirty-gun frigate.1 The linen trade

1 Commons' Journals, December 3, 1763.

had been crippled by French cruisers. The Dublin woolen weavers, once decent and well disposed, had taken to drink and oratory. They dropped their work on Saturday afternoon; they were unfit to resume it till Tuesday morning, and they had formed unions to raise the wages rate to make good the lost day. "Decency in dwelling and apparel, which formerly obtained among them, was almost eradicated. In place of it were idleness, filth, nastiness, with unbounded licentiousness of manners.” 1 The profits of smuggling had declined, through the substitution of horned cattle for sheep. The salt beef and salt butter trade alone flourished, and in flourishing drove the peasantry into rebellion. The Viceroys so detested their occupation, that for six months only in alternate years they could be induced to reside at the Castle. In the interval the country was governed by the Lords Justices, usually from the same families: a Boyle, a Beresford, a Ponsonby, and perhaps the Primate. The Lords Justices' object was to distribute the patronage among their relations, while England's chief concern appeared to be to quarter on the Irish Pension List such scandalous persons as could not decently be provided for at home.

Such was the beautiful condition of unlucky Ireland when Halifax left it to take his place in Lord Bute's administration. The Earl of Northumberland was sent to Dublin instead of him. The Pension List was likely to be assailed as soon as Parliament met; and the Cabinet thought it prudent to affect to intend concession. Northumberland was directed to inform "the principal persons of both Houses that except in cases of a particular nature, of which the King 1 Ibid., February 28, 1764.

could be the only judge, his majesty did not intend to grant any more pensions either for life or a term of years, and that the King's servants in England did not mean for the future to recommend such grants.' The intimation was designed to anticipate the intemperate action of Parliament. But the Viceroy was not to allow interference. If the Commons brought addresses to him on the subject, he was not to notice them. The prerogative must not be encroached upon, nor any step be taken "which would cast a public reflection on the past.

ן יי

Thus instructed, Northumberland arrived in Dublin in the autumn of 1763. In the speech from the throne he announced the Peace, a reduction of the expenditure and a probable surplus in the revenue. The address in reply was cold, dictated, so Halifax believed, by the malevolence of Speaker Ponsonby. On the second day of the session the anticipated attack was made. A motion was introduced for an examination of the list of persons in receipt of his majesty's bounty. Northumberland, supposing that he was carrying out his orders, met it by the communication which he had been told to convey. He spoke warmly of the King's desire to comply with Ireland's wishes; and the Council, supposing the Cabinet was in earnest, never dreaming that Bute and his fellowministers would condescend to trifle with them, sketched a form of grateful acknowledgment in which the House of Commons was to return its thanks.2

1 "Halifax to Northumberland, October 22, 1763." — S. P. O.

2 The Irish Parliament was to describe itself "as full of gratitude for those gracious intentions relating to grants of offices and pensions signified by your majesty to the Lord Lieutenant. Thus anticipating our desire by a provident and watchful care over the interests of your people, your majesty will, in a peculiar manner, distinguish your reign," &c.

Form inclosed by the Viceroy to Lord Halifax for approval.-S. P. O.

Prepared as he must be for any extremity of folly in the dealings of English Cabinets with the interests of Ireland, the reader will learn without surprise that Bute and his fellow-ministers had never seriously thought of surrendering the pensions at all.

The Viceroy sent over the draft for approval: he was informed in return that he had misconceived his directions. He had received a message which he was to have delivered in private to a few persons whose influence might have prevented discussion in the House of Commons. In making it public he had committed a fatal indiscretion. Angry with Northumberland, angry with the Irish Council, angry with everything but their own scandalous and dishonest purpose, the Cabinet treated the proposed address as an insult to the Crown, "disgraceful to the chief governor of the kingdom, disrespectful and undutiful to his majesty." "The King's goodness," Halifax wrote, “required a more grateful return than that he should be compelled to pare and abridge the rights of the Crown by a declaration almost equivalent to an Act of Parliament." 1

The childish trifling irritated the growing discontent. The manoeuvering with the Catholics assumed a more sinister complexion when accompanied with so evident a purpose of misappropriating the Irish revenues. The Parliament was unable to perceive in what the "goodness," which they were asked to admire, consisted, and the session was spent in a series of violent motions which the utmost efforts of Government were required to defeat. A resolution was passed in November condemning the increase of the Civil List. A committee was appointed to examine

1 "Halifax to Northumberland, October 27, 1763." -S. P. O.