wrongs which America had taken arms to redress were trivial compared to the wrongs of Ireland. If America obtained free trade and self-government, the Irish might claim and hope for the same privileges, and the chains once broken in one colony might be broken in all. The Northern Presbyterians looked on the revolt as the revival of the conflict of the preceding century. They were personally interested in a struggle in which so many of their own kindred were engaged; while the Americans, alive to the value of support and sympathy so near at home, had made untiring efforts to enlist Ireland in support of their cause.

The Ireland of which the Americans were thinking, the Ireland which alone as yet had a political existence, was Protestant Ireland. The Catholics might have looked on with indifference, or perhaps with pleasure, at a contest in which their enemies were destroying one another. Of them few or none had as yet sought a Transatlantic home- when they emigrated it was to France, or Austria, or Spain. America was the creation of Nonconformity, and was as yet the chosen home of principles which Catholics held most in abhorrence. To them therefore it mattered little in itself whether England got the better of her colonies or the colonies of England. But the friends of the Americans in Ireland were their own worst foes, who, but for England, would have put the penal laws in force against them. In the last war, in which their sympathies might have naturally been enlisted, part of the Catholic body had made demonstrations of loyalty. The present was a fairer opportunity of earning favor at the Protestants' expense, perhaps emancipation from their chains. The

Catholic gentry and clergy came forward with an offer of a subscription, and, when their money was declined, with the earnest desire of "two million faithful Irish hearts," to be allowed a chance of showing their devotion to their Sovereign by taking arms in his cause.1

"The allegiance of the Papists," De Blaquiere

1 The petition of the Catholics in Ireland in 1775 has, I believe, never been published. When I mentioned it in America, I was met by a flat denial that any such petition had been presented. I therefore give this most curious and important document entire. It is addressed to Sir John de Blaquiere:

"Sir, We flatter ourselves that the occasion, the motives, and your goodness will engage you to excuse this trouble. As we are informed that an intended subscription among us, his majesty's affectionate, loyal, and dutiful Roman Catholic subjects of his kingdom of Ireland, to raise a fund among ourselves for encouraging recruits to enlist for H. M.'s service, was not judged necessary by Government, yet being desirous to give every assistance in our power, and to give every proof of our sincere, affectionate, and grateful attachment to the most sacred person and government of the best of kings, and justly abhorring the unnatural rebellion which has lately broken out among some of his American subjects against H. M.'s most sacred person and government, impressed with a deep sense of our duty and allegiance, and feeling ourselves loudly called on by every motive and by every tie that can affect the hearts of good and loyal subjects, we take the liberty to make on this interesting occasion a humble tender of our duty, zeal, and affection to our good and gracious King; and we humbly presume to lay at his feet two millions of loyal, faithful, and affectionate hearts and hands, unarmed indeed, but zealous, ready and desirous to exert themselves strenuously in defence of H. M.'s most sacred person and government against all his enemies, of what denomination soever, in any part of the world where they may be ; and to exert in an active manner a loyalty and an obedience which hitherto, though always unanimous and unalterable, from our particular circumstances and situation have been restrained within passive and inactive bounds— a loyalty which we may justly say is, and always was, as the dial to the sun, true though not shone upon. And we take the liberty to request, sir, that you will be so good as to represent to his Excellency our Lord Lieutenant these our dispositions and sentiments, which we well know to be those also of all our fellow Roman Catholic Irish subjects, with an humble request to his Excellency that, if he think proper, he may be so good as to lay them before his majesty.

"Fingall, Trimleston, J. Barnewall, B. Barnewall, &c., &c., 121."

Inclosed in a letter from Harcourt to Lord Rochford, September 30, 1775.

said, added nothing to the strength of Government in Parliament. The Catholic interest could command neither speech nor vote. Their demonstrations, and the gracious reception of them, inflamed rather than soothed the Puritans and Presbyterians; and Harcourt, baffled after all his efforts by the effect of the American successes, looked forward to the session with great uneasiness. The Opposition were acting in concert with the English Whigs. He discovered that they meant to bring the subject of the colonies before Parliament, backed by the entire body of the Northern Protestants.2 They were gaining strength rapidly, and his best chance was to press the subject to an immediate vote by introducing the subject into the speech. He complimented Ireland from the throne on her good behavior while America was in rebellion. A friend of the Castle in moving the address invited the Commons in return to assure the King "that while his Government was disturbed by a rebellion, of which they heard with abhorrence and felt with indignation, they would themselves be ever ready to show the world their devoted attachment to his sacred person."

Ponsonby, who recovered his patriotism when the Absentee Rents were no longer in danger, rose immediately to move an amendment. "The Commons

of Ireland, confiding in his majesty's tenderness for

1 "Sir John Blaquiere to Lord North, October 11, 1775."

2 "The Presbyterians of the North, who in their hearts are Americans, were gaining strength every day; and, by letters written by designing men, whom I could name, from your side of the water, have been repeatedly pressed to engage Ireland to take an adverse part in the contest, telling them the balance of the cause and the decision of the quarrel was on this side St. George's Channel. The subject would then have been pressed upon me with such advantage as I should have had difficulty in resisting." "Lord Harcourt to Lord North, October 11, 1775."

8 Commons' Journals, 1775.

his subjects, and relying on his wisdom for bringing these difficult matters to a happy issue, had been silent hitherto during the agitation of a dispute which could not but deeply affect them. Finding the event not answerable to their wishes, they would be wanting to their own interests and the general welfare if they longer hesitated to express their hopes that a difference might be amicably terminated which they feared could not be ended otherwise."

A debate followed which lasted till the next evening. The Irish cause was openly identified with the American. Denis Daly said that if America was beaten, 30,000 English swords would impose the Irish taxes. Hussey Burgh, a rising orator, who will be heard of again, said England meant to reduce her dependencies to slavery. Flood luckily for himself was absent. Had he spoken he must have been false either to his principles or to his Castle engagements. The weight of defence was thrown on De Blaquiere, the Viceroy being unable to trust “the independent persons" whom he had bought, on a question where feeling ran so high. "Your threadpaper friend," De Blaquiere told Lord North, "lost flesh which he could not well spare" in the long protracted fight. It was uncertain to the last how the division would turn, but the first octennial Parliament was drawing near its end. . . . . De Blaquiere hinted that an adverse vote might lead to an immediate dissolution, and "the apprehension of rotten eggs and an approaching election" turned the scale in favor of the Castle. The Viceroy said he "never was so happy in his life as when the question was decided." In the first blush of triumph he flattered himself that "his victory would give peace to Ireland,

carry terror to America, and despair to Chatham and the English malcontents."

The keener-eyed De Blaquiere indulged in no such illusions. 66 Judging from the asperity of expression among the Outs and the avaricious coldness and jobbery among the Ins," he looked for a stormy session, and saw rough water on all sides.

He had reason for his fears. When the Irish Parliament consented to the increase of the army, they exacted a condition that not less than 12,000 men should always be kept in Ireland. The excuse for and motive of the augmentation was the better security of life and property, and a smaller number had been proved to be unequal to the work. Lord North now required 4,000 of these troops for service in America. He offered, if Ireland wished it, to send 4,000 Hessians to take their place at the cost of England.

Again, the army in America was to receive its supplies from Ireland. To keep the prices of provisions down the Viceroy was told that he must lay an embargo on the Irish ports, and shut off the farmers from other markets. It was a measure of direct spoliation, as the Viceroy acknowledged, yet it was to be imposed by sovereign authority, while he was to apply to Parliament to sanction the removal of the troops. If the removal was to be accompanied with an embargo, the Viceroy "confessed with shame and concern that there was not one of the confidential servants of the Crown whom he could trust in such a matter without the risk of having the measure defeated." 1 A dissolution would not mend matters. Forty Castle seats were threatened. Every loose,

1 "Lord Harcourt to Lord North, October 17 and 23.”