innuendos of this passage to be strictly true, will it do any good to these people to rouse their jealousy and discontent and hate, by telling them that the indignities and injuries under which they suf fer, are enough to make them as ferocious and furious as the "wild beasts of the forest?" Admitting that prejudice, wicked and inexcusable prejudicc, is all that keeps the black population of this country, and the white, from being at this hour "like kindred drops that mingle into one;" are such prejudices to be overcome by irritation? Or must time and oblivion have something to do in working out the remedy? Will such appeals make the black people love their white brethren any better than they now do? Will they constrain the whites to love the blacks more disinterestedly and fervently?

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But in strictness of speech, the passage in question does not contain the simple and accurate truth. It is true indeed, that even those who profess to be the ministers and disciples of Christ," are "generally" so influenced by prejudice or something else, that hardly an individual can be found among them, who would be perfectly willing to see his sister or daughter wedded to a black man, though that black man were as noble as Othello; or to whom it would not occasion something like grief to see his brother or his son taking a wife from among the daughters of Cush. It is true too, that many have a taste about such things which leads them to select their particular and intimate associates from the white rather than from the black. It is true furthermore, that many persons professing religion, and perhaps some ministers, indulge their feelings on this subject to an unreasonable extent, even to such an extent as to infringe upon the rights of their fellow men. Yet it is not true that the ministers and professors of evangelical religion in this country generally treat the people of color with "utter dislike." The schools for colored children, erected and sustained by the liberality of such persons in every city from Philadelphia to Salem; the sabbath schools in which black pupils are gratuitously instructed by white teachers; the houses of worship built or purchased for the use of the colored people by the contributions of the churches; the charities that reach many a wretched African in cold and hunger, in sickness and old age; all testify that those who "profess to be the ministers and disciples of Christ," do regard the people of color with something like benevolence and kindness.

We notice next a passage under the second division. The speaker is recommending that the fourth of July be observed as a a day fasting and prayer on account of the existence of slavery; and referring to the condition and treatment of the slaves, he says there are,

"Two millions, whose carcasses are thrown to the fowls of heaven; whose blood drenches the ground which they till; whose sighs freight every wind; who are lacerated with whips; who are branded with red-hot irons; who are torn asunder, and sold like cattle; who are scantily fed with the coarsest food; whose nakedness is but half concealed by rags; the eyes of whose souls are put out, and from whom is hid the glorious gospel of the blessed God." p. 9.

Is all this the naked verity? Or does the orator, "in the tempest and whirlwind of his passion," forget the "temperance that should give it smoothness?" What does he say? "Two millions whose carcasses are thrown to the fowls of heaven!" Is this true? Does the orator himself believe, that a dead slave is never buried, but is invariably thrown out into the fields for the crows to feed upon? Two millions who are lacerated with whips, and branded with red hot irons! We know that cruel punishments are often inflicted on slaves for slight offences by passionate and irresponsible masters; but we have yet to learn, and we apprehend our author will find it difficult to prove, that one slave out of ten in this country, bears upon him the impression of the red hot branding iron. Two millions of slaves from whom is hid the glorious gospel of the blessed God! But are not myriads of them numbered among the four hundred and seventy thousand Methodist church members? And are not thousands besides, to be found among the communicants in the Baptist, Presbyterian, and Episcopal churches of the south? Such overwrought descriptions of slavery are any thing but judicious. The naked truth about slavery is bad enough; and where the truth is covered with such rhetoric as this, the mind naturally seeks relief in recollecting that a certain figure of speech which the gods call hyperbole, is someumes known among men by a very different name, inasmuch as it is simply putting in the place of truth, that which is not true.

We have marked another specimen. The orator, under the head of education, discusses the proposed establishment of a college on an extensive scale, for the liberal education of colored youth. One of the arguments for such an establishment, he thus expresses.

After the first four years, there will annually be graduated a band of educated men, who will be prepared to measure quills with the mightiest writers in the land, and to vindicate your rights in a manner which no white man is able to do. It is exhilarating to imagine the amount of moral influence which they will accumulate and disburse. Is it a small matter to send out a company of intellectual giants every year, to give battle to oppression? Recollect that as they rise in public estimation, so will your whole body.

Certainly then, this African College will do what no other college ever has done, or ever will do. What college, university, gymnasium, or seminary, this side of Utopia, graduates " annually," "a band of men," "prepared to measure quills”—that is, as

we understand it, prepared to enter successfully into competition"with the mightiest writers of the land ?" What institution is it, which, even in these days of literary charlatanry, professes or promises" to send out every year a company of intellectual giants?" Where is the triennial catalogue, on which each class of graduates can show its Webster or Wirt, its Grimké or Everett, its Beecher or Beman, its Alexander or Channing, its Percival or Hillhouse? Yet if we can understand plain English, our orator affirms that every class which is graduated from the African College, shall include not one such individual merely, but a company of intellectual giants, equipped with strength and skill to grapple with the mightiest giants which in these days are in the land. And this story is told to the people of color, as a plain matter of fact! What sort of effect is it likely to produce on their minds? Will it have any tendency to make them industrious, prudent, economical? Will it inspire them with any thing better than a vanity offensive to others, and distressing to themselves, and a bewildering, enervating expectation of speedy exaltation without effort? Yet how is the orator carried away with the picture of his own imagination. How does he kindle the minds of his hearers with these delusive hopes. "My heart," says he, "enlarges in contemplating this subject. I lose sight of your present situation, and look at it only in futurity. I imagine myself surrounded by educated men of color, the Websters, and Clays, and Hamiltons, and Dwights, and Edwardses of the day. I listen to their voices as judges, and representatives, and rulers of the people-the whole people." Is this a judicious way of talking to the free people of color?

Let it not be said that we are against affording the means of education, or of liberal education, to the children of Africa in this country. We argued in favor of a seminary in which young men of color might obtain a complete education, without being put under any pledges as to their subsequent course; we argued for such a seminary, both in public and private, long before Mr. Garrison was an enemy-nay, before he was a friend-of the American Colonization Society. We will argue for such an institution again, and we will contribute of our slender ability to its support, whenever it shall be proposed in a form which will give us reason to believe that the control of it shall be entrusted with discreet men, and that the course of instruction shall not be calculated to exasperate the pupils and their colored brethren against the institutions and the population of the country, and to fill them with the spirit of wrath and insurrection.

The seventh head of advice is in these words, "SUPPORT EACH OTHER;" which the author explains as follows.

When I say, SUPPORT EACH OTHER-I mean, sell to each other, and buy of each other, in preference to the whites. This is a duty: the whites do not trade with you, why should you give them your patronage? If one of your number should open a little shop, do not pass by it to give your money to a white shopkeeper. If any has a trade, employ him as often as possible. If any is a good teacher, send your children to him, and be proud that he is one of your color. It seems to me that if you would strictly pursue this course of conduct, your extreme poverty would vanish. P. 14.

How does this compare with what was said with so much good common sense on a previous page? "Place two mechanics by the side of each other-one colored, and the other white: he who works the cheapest and best, will get the most custom. In making a bargain, the color of a man will not be consulted." This is true beyond controversy. In making a bargain, the color of a man will never be consulted; except in the case where a fool and his money are soon parted. If a colored man opens a shop and sells dry goods, or hardware, or books, or any other commodities, cheaper than a white man in the next street or at the next door, purchasers will easily find it out, and the black man will do much more business than his white neighbor. Why then advise the negro to consult the color of a man in making a bargain. Why not advise him rather to be sure that he lays out his money where he can get the best pennyworth? Why endeavor to make the separation between the colored population and the white, wider and deeper by odious commercial restrictions? Is such a tariff a judicious form and application of what politicians call the American System? Especially, is it judicious, in view of the notorious fact that the cruelest oppressors and worst corrupters of the free colored people, are often, not to say ordinarily, found among those of their own brethren who have the advantage and superiority of a little capital?

Our author's eighth particular instruction to his colored friends, is this," Maintain your rights, in all cases, and at whatever expense." He describes in strong language all the legal disabilities under which they suffer in various parts of the country. He assures them that there is a remedy for all this injustice. "The constitution of the United States," he says, "knows nothing of white or black men; it makes no invidious distinction with regard to the color or condition of free inhabitants; it is broad enough to cover your persons; it has power enough to vindicate your rights.' On this ground he exhorts and argues thus:

I

say then-and I appeal with confidence to the great body of lawyers-that those State Laws which disfranchise and degrade you, are unconstitutional. I say that if they fall upon the Constitution, they will be dashed in pieces. I say that it is your duty to carry this question up to the Supreme Court of the United States, and have it settled forever. You have every thing to gain, and nothing to lose, by the trial. I say then, that having the means of protection in your VOL. IV.

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hands, it is your interest, as well as your duty, to put them forth. Once get yourselves acknowledged by that august tribunal, as citizens of the United States, and you may walk abroad in majesty and strength, free as the air of heaven, sacred as the persons of kings. Cases are constantly occurring in some of the States, which may be carried up at any moment for a final decision: no time should be lost. P. 16.

We have no doubt that the constitution of the United States, fairly construed, does afford a remedy for some of the grievances under which the free people of color labor. It is out of our line to debate questions of constitutional law; but we have thought that such laws as those which drove the people of color from Ohio into Canada, and which arrest the colored citizen of New-York and imprison him for the crime of his complexion, when he passes into certain slave-holding states, are repugnant to the spirit, and will by and by be declared contrary to the letter, of the federal constitution. Yet, that the constitution contains a remedy for all the laws which disfranchise and degrade the black man, we do not believe. What can be plainer, than that neither the absurd law of Massachusetts which prohibits marriage between persons of different colors, nor the provision in the constitution in Connecticut which confines the right of suffrage to white citizens, nor the police regulations, of many states, which make it necessary for every free black to carry with him wherever he goes, the documentary evidence of his freedom, can be set aside as unconstitutional, in any court whatever. We cannot but regard it as eminently injudicious to attempt to waken in the minds of colored people, hopes so extravagant and vain.

But here is another method by which they are advised to maintain their rights.

Wherever you are allowed to vote, see that your names are put on the list of voters, and go to the polls. If you are not strong enough to choose a man of your own color, give your votes to those who are friendly to your cause; but if possible, elect intelligent and respectable colored men. I do not despair of seeing the time when our State and National Assemblies shall contain a fair proportion of colored representatives,-especially if the proposed College at New Haven goes into successful operation. p. 16.

Again we ask, is this judicious? Is this the way to overcome prejudice, and to make both white and black forget all invidious distinctions founded on color? Or is it the way to array the parties against each other in fierce and desperate hostility?

The orator recommends another measure to his hearers. He urges them to petition the legislatures for redress of grievances. And he teaches them respect for the magistrates and rulers of the land, after this fashion.

Perhaps no body of men need watching more carefully than the representatives of the people. Those who are not aristocrats in principle; are bunglers in