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Lords for the foundation of his assertion? If he does, I can prove to the committee, there was a physical impossibility of that report being true. But I scorn to answer any man for my conduct, whether he be a political coxcomb, or whether he brought himself into power by a false glare of courage or not.
I have returned, not as the right honourable member has said, to raise another storm-I have returned to discharge an honourable debt of gratitude to my country, that conferred a great reward for past services, which, I am proud to say, was not greater than my desert. I have returned to protect that constitution, of which I was the parent and the founder, from the assassination of such men as the right honourable gentleman, and his unworthy associates. They are corrupt-they are seditious and they, at this very moment, are in a conspiracy against their country. I have returned to refute a libel, as false as it is malicious, given to the public under the appellation of a report of the committee of the Lords. Here I stand ready for impeachment or trial. I dare accusation. I defy the honourable gentleman; I defy the government; I defy their whole phalanx: let them come forth. I tell the ministers, I will neither give them quarter nor take it. I am here to lay the shattered remains of my constitution on the floor of this House, in defence of the liberties of my country.
EXTRACT FROM LETTERS OF FABIUS ON THE FEDERAL CONST1-
AMERICANS, who have the same blood in their veins as Englishmen, have, it seems, very different heads and hearts. We shall be enslaved by a president, senators, and representatives chosen by ourselves, and continually rotating within the period of time assigned for the continuance in office of members in the house of commons. 'Tis strange: but we are told, 't is true. It may As we have our all at stake, let us inquire, in what way this event is to be brought about.
Is it to be before, or after a general corruption of manners? If after, it is not worth attention. The loss of
happiness then follows of course. If before, how is it to be accomplished? Will a virtuous and sensible people choose villians or fools for their officers? Or if they should choose men of wisdom and integrity, will these lose both or either, by taking their seats? If they should, will not their places be quickly supplied by another choice? Is the like derangement again, and again, and again, to be expected? Can any man believe, that such astonishing phænomena are to be looked for?
Was there ever an instance, where rulers, thus selected by the people from their own body, have, in the manner apprehended, outraged their own tender connexions, and the interests, feelings, and sentiments of their affectionate and confiding countrymen? Is such a conduct more likely to prevail in this age of mankind, than in the darker periods that have preceded? Are men more disposed now than formerly, to prefer uncertainties to certainties, things perilous and infamous to those that are safe and honourable?
Can all the mysteries of such iniquity be so wonderfully managed by treacherous rulers, that none of their enlightened constituents, nor any of their honest associates, acting with them in public bodies, shall ever be able to discover the conspiracy, till at last, it shall burst with destruction to the whole federal constitution? Is it not ten thousand times less probable, that such transactions will happen, than it is, that we shall be exposed to innumerable calamities, by rejecting the plan proposed, or even by delaying to accept it?
Let us consider our affairs in another light. Our difference of government, participation in commerce, improvement in policy, and magnitude of power, can be no favourite objects of attention to the monarchies and sovereignties of Europe. Our loss will be their gain-our fall, their rise -our shame, their triumph. Divided, they may distract, dictate, and destroy. United, their efforts will be waves dashing themselves into foam against a rock.-May our national character be-an animated moderation, that seeks only its own, and will not be satisfied with less.
SPEECH OF THE DUKE OF ARGYLE.
[It was proposed in the British Parliament, to deprive the city of Edinburgh of certain privileges, because a mob in that city had put to death one Porteous, a minion of the British government. In the course of the debate on this bill, the Duke of Argyle took a spirited part. To the insinuation of the Chancellor, Lord Hardwicke, that he had stated himself, in the case, rather as a party than as a judge, he made the following reply:]
I APPEAL to the house-to the nation-if I can be justly branded with the infamy of being a jobber, or a partisan. Have I been a briber of votes?--a buyer of boroughs?the agent of corruption for any purpose, or on behalf of any party?--Consider my life; examine my actions in the field and in the cabinet, and see where there lies a blot, that can attach to my honour. I have shown myself the friend of my country-the loyal subject of my king. I am ready to do so again, without an instant's regard to the frowns or smiles of a court. I have experienced both, and am prepared with indifference for either.
I have given my reasons for opposing this bill, and have made it appear that it is repugnant to the international treaty of union, to the liberty of Scotland, and, reflectively to that of England, to common justice, to common sense, and to the public interest.
Shall the metropolis of Scotland, the capital of an independent nation, the residence of a long line of monarchs, by whom that noble city was graced and dignified-shall such a city, for the fault of an obscure and unknown body of rioters, be deprived of its honours and its privileges-its gates and its guards?—and shall a native Scotchman tamely behold the havoc? I glory, my Lords, in opposing such unjust rigour, and reckon it my dearest pride and honour, to stand up in defence of my native country, while thus laid open to undeserved shame and unjust spoliation.
METHOUGHT I stood again, at dead of night, In that rich sepulchre, viewing, alone,
The wonders of the place. My wondering eyes
* According to Josephus, the sepulchres of the Kings of Israel were filled with immense treasures. The riches left by David are said to have exceeded £800,000,000 sterling.
Rested upon the costly sarcophage
Reared in the midst. I saw therein a form
It spake not, moved not, but still sternly pointed
Of Asphaltites, night, and storm, and fire,
I wandered; but where'er I turned my eyes,
On the bleak rocks, or pitchy clouds, or closed them, Flamed that command.
Then suddenly I sunk down, down, methought,
And travelled way, walled to the firmament
From its devouring jaws. When I approached,
And shapes most horrid; all, methought, in crowns
They crowned me too, and with the pang, I woke.
ALL WAS ONE WASTE OF WAVES, that buried deep
Rested; for now the death commissioned storm
But oh, sweet Hope,
Start to their eye-lids, when at night the Dove,
Wet in her bill: again she is put forth,
The storm, the ancient Father and his train
Here let us pause-
From morn till eve, save in that spot that holds