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write to your lordship, touching my approbation | or added, though it may be ourselves shall have inore plainly. It is true that I conceive it to be second thoughts, this being but the result of our a good business, and will be for the service of the first meeting. court and ease of the subject; I will look it shall be accompanied with good cautions.

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Yesterday I called unto us the two chief justices and Serjeant Crew about the Parliament business. To call more judges I thought not good, it would be little to assistance, much to secrecy: the distribution of the business we made was into four parts.

First, The perusing of the former grievance, and of things of like nature which have come in since.

Secondly, The consideration of a proclamation with the clauses thereof, especially touching elections, which clauses, nevertheless, we are of opinion, should be rather monitory than exclusive.

The state of his majesty's treasure still maketh me sad; and I am sorry I was not at Theobald's to report it, or that it was not done by my fellow : it is most necessarily we do it faithfully and freely. For to flatter in this were to betray his majesty with a kiss. I humbly pray his majesty to think of my former counsel, and this I will promise, that whomsoever his majesty shall make treasurer, if his majesty shall direct him to have relation to my advice, I will continue the same care and advice I do now, and much more cheerfully when I shall perceive that my propositions shall not be literæ scriptæ in glacie.

Meanwhile, to keep the commission in doing of somewhat worth the doing, it may please his majesty to take knowledge that, upon our report, we had agreed to make remonstrance to him, that we thought Ireland might (if his majesty leave it to our care) be brought by divers good expedients to bear their own charge; and, therefore, his majesty may be pleased, by his commandment, to set us in hand with it out of hand. God ever prosper you. Your lordship's most obliged friend and faithful servant, FR. VERULAM, Canc.

October 7, 1620.



Thirdly, The inclusive: that is to say, what persons were fit to be of the House, tending to make a sufficient and well composed House of the ablest men of the kingdom, fit to be advised with circa ardua regni, as the style of the writs goeth, according to the pure and true institution of a The letter which I received from your lordship Parliament; and of the means to place such per- upon your going to sea was more than a compensons without novelty or much observation. For sation for any former omission; and I shall be this purpose we made some lists of names of the very glad to entertain a correspondence with you prime counsellors, and principal statesmen or in both kinds which you write of: for the latter, courtiers, of the gravest or wisest lawyers, of I am now ready for you, having sent you some the most respected and best tempered knights ore of that mine. I thank you for your favours and gentlemen of the county. And here obiter to Mr. Meautys, and I pray continue the same. we did not forget to consider who were the So, wishing you out of your honourable exile, boutefeus of the last session, how many of them and placed in a better orb, I rest are dead, how many reduced, and how many remain, and what was fit to be done concerning them.

Your lordship's affectionate kinsman
and assured friend,

Fourthly, The having ready of some common- York House, October 20, 1620. wealth bills that may add respect and acknowledgment of the king's care; not wooing bills to make the king and his graces cheap, but good matter to set them on work, that an empty stomach do not feed upon humour.

Of these four points, that which concerneth persons is not so fit to be communicated with the council table, but to be kept within fewer hands. The other three may when they are ripe.

Meanwhile I thought good to give his majesty an account what is done, and in doing, humbly craving his direction if any thing be to be altered



I send his majesty a form of a proclamation* for the Parliament, which I thought fit to offer

* Draught of a Proclamation for a Parliament:

As in our princely judgment, we hold nothing more worthy

of a Christian monarch than the conservation of peace at other calamities of war are avoided, trade is kept open; laws home and abroad; whereby effusion of Christian blood and and justice retain their due vigour and play; arts and sciences

first to his majesty's perusal before I acquainted how easy it is for me to mistake, or not to attain, the counsel. which his majesty in his wisdom will pardon, correct, and direct.

For that part which concerneth the foreign business, his majesty will graciously consider

flourish; subjects are less burdened with taxes and tallages,and infinite other benefits redound to the state of a commonweal: so in our practice, we suppose there hath been seldom any king that hath given more express testimonies and real pledges of this desire to have peace conserved than we have done in the whole course of our regiment.

For neither have we, for that which concerns ourselves, been ready to apprehend or embrace any occasions or opportunities of making war upon our neighbours; neither have we omitted, for that which may concern the states abroad, any good office or royal endeavour, for the quenching of the sparks of troubles and discords in foreign parts. Wherein, as we have been always ready and willing, so we wish that we had been always as happy and prevailing in our advices and counsels that tended to that end.

And yet do we not forget that God hath put into our hands a sceptre over populous and warlike nations, which might have moved us to second the affection and disposition of our people, and to have wrought upon it, for our own ambition, if we had been so minded. But it hath sufficed unto us to seek a true and not swelling greatness in the plantations and improvements of such part of our dominions as have in former times been more desolate and uncivil, and in the maintaining of all our loving subjects in general, in tranquillity and security, and the other conditions of good government and happy times. But amongst other demonstrations of our constant purpose and provident care to maintain peace, there was never such a trial, nor so apparent to the world (as in a theatre) as our persisting in the same resolution, since the time that our dear son-in-law was elected and accepted King of Bohemia ; by how much the motives tending to shake and assail our said resolution were the more forcible. For neither did the glory of having our dearest daughter and sonin-law to wear a crown, nor the extreme alacrity of our people devoted to that cause, nor the representations, which ❘ might be set before us of dangers, (if we should suffer a party in Christendom, held commonly adverse and ill affected to our state and government, to gather further reputation and strength,) transport us to enter into an auxiliary war in prosecution of that quarrel: but, contrariwise, finding the justice of the cause not so clear as that we could be presently therein satisfied, and weighing with ourselves likewise, that if the kingdom of Bohemia had continued in the house of Austria; yet, nevertheless, the balance of Christendom had stood in no other sort than it had done for many years before without increase of party; and chiefly fearing that the wars in those parts of Germany, which have been hitherto the bulwark of Christendom against the approaches of the Turk, might, by the intestine dissensions, allure and let in the common enemy, we did abstain to declare, or engage ourselves in that war, and were contented only to give permission to the ambassador of our son-in-law, to draw some voluntary helps of men and money from our subjects, being a matter that violated no treaty, and could not be denied in case of so near a conjunction.

But, while we contained ourselves in this moderation, we find the event of war hath much altered the case, by the late invasion of the Palatinate, whereby (howsoever under the pretence of a diversion) we find our son, in fact, expulsed in part, and in danger to be totally dispossessed of his ancient Inheritance and patrimony, so long continued in that noble line; whereof we cannot but highly resent, if it should be alienated and ravished from him in our times, and to the prejudice of our grandchildren and line royal. Neither can we think it safe for us, in reason of state, that the county Palatine, carrying with itself an electorate, and having been so long in the hands of princes of our religion, and no way depending upon the house of Austria, should now become at the disposing of that house; being a matter, that indeed might alter the balance of Christendom importantly, to the weakening of our state, and the estate of our best friends and confederates.

Wherefore, finding a concurrence of reasons and respects of religion, nature, honour, and estate, all of them inducing us in no wise to endure so great an alteration, we are resolved VOL. III.-12

For that part touching the elections, I have

to employ the uttermost of our forces and means to recover and resettle the said Palatinate to our son and our descendants, purposing, nevertheless, according to our former inclination so well grounded, not altogether to intermit (if the occasions give us leave) the treaties of peace and accord, which we have already begun, and whereof the coming on of the winter, and the counterpoise of the actions of war, hitherto may give us as yet some appearance of hope.

But, forasmuch as it were great improvidence to depend upon the success of such treaties, and therefore good policy requires that we should be prepared for a war, which we intend for the recovery and assuring of the said Palatinate, with the dependencies, (a design of no small charge and dithculty, the strength and conjunctures of the adverse party considered,) we have thought good to take into our princely and serious consideration (and that with speed) all things that may have relation to such a designment; amongst which we hold nothing more necessary than to confer and advise with the common council of our kingdom, upon this so important a subject.

For although the making of war or peace be a secret of empire, and a thing properly belonging to our high prerogative royal and imperial power; yet, nevertheless, in causes of that nature, which we shall think fit not to reserve, but to communicate, we shall ever think ourselves much assisted and strengthened by the faithful advice and general assent of our loving subject

Moreover, no man is so ignorant as to expect that we should be any ways able (moneys being the sinews of war) to enter into the list against so great potentates, without some large and bountiful help of treasure from our people, as well towards the maintenance of the war as towards the relief of our crown and estate. And, this the rather, for that we have now, by the space of full ten years (a thing unheard of in late times) subsisted by our own means, without being chargeable to our people, otherwise than by some voluntary gifts of some particulars; which, though in total amounting to no great matter, we thankfully acknowledge at their hands: but as, while the affairs abroad were in greater calm, we did content ourselves to recover our wants by provident retrenchment of charge, and honourable improvement of our own, thinking to wear them out without troubling our people; so, in such a state of Christendom, as seemeth now to hang over our heads, we durst no longer rely upon those slow remedies, but thought necessary (according to the ancient course of our progenitors) to resort to the good affections and aids of our loving subjects.

Upon these considerations, and for that also in respect of so long intermission of a Parliament, the times may have introduced some things fit to be reformed, either by new laws, or by the moderate desires of our loving subjects, duti fully intimated unto us, (wherein we shall ever be no less ready to give them all gracious satisfaction than their own hearts can desire,) we have resolved, by the advice of our privy council, to hold a Parliament at our city of Westminster.

And because, as well this great cause, (there to be handled amongst the rest, and to be weighed by the beam of the kingdom,) as also the true and ancient institution of Parliament, do require the Lower House (at this time if ever) to be com pounded of the gravest, ablest, and worthiest members that may be found: we do hereby, out of the care of the comin.on good, wherein themselves are participant, (without all prejudice to the freedom of elections,) admonish all our loving subjects (that have votes in the elections of knights and burgesses) of these few points following.

First, That they cast their eyes upon the worthiest men of all sorts, knights and gentlemen, that are lights and guides in their countries, experienced Parliament men, wise and discreet statesmen, that have been practised in public affairs, whether at home or abroad; grave and eminent lawyers, substantial citizens and burgesses, and generally such as alo interested and have portion in the estate.

Secondly, That they make choice of such as are weil affected in religion, without declining either on the one hand H 2

communicated it with my colleagues, Sir Edward of, and the latter time I had begged it of your Coke, the two chief justices, and Serjeant Crew, lordship. who approve it well; and we are all of opinion, that it is not good to have it more peremptory, more particular, nor more sharp.

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Your lordship will pardon me, if, partly in the freedom of adversity, and partly of former friendship, (the sparks whereof cannot but continue,) I open myself to your lordship and desire also your lordship to open yourself to me. The two last acts which you did for me, in procuring the releasement of my fine, and my quietus est, I acknowledge were effects, real and material, of your love and favour, which, as to my knowledge, it never failed me in my prosperity; so, in these two things it seems not to have turned with the wheel. But the extent of these two favours is not much more than to keep me from persecution; for any thing further which might tend to my comfort and assistance, as I cannot say to myself that your lordship hath forsaken me, so I see not the effects of your undeserved, yea, undesired professions and promises, which, being made to a person in affliction, hath the nature after a sort of vows. But that which most of all makes me doubt of a change, or cooling in your lordship's affection towards me, is, that being twice now at London, your lordship did not vouchsafe to see me, though by messages you gave me hope there

to blindness and superstition, or on the other hand to schism

or turbulent disposition.

Thirdly and lastly, That they be truly sensible, not to disvalue or disparage the House with bankrupts and necessitous persons, that may desire long Parliaments only for protec

tion; lawyers of mean account and estimation; young men that are not ripe for grave consultations; mean dependents upon great persons, that may be thought to have their voices under command, and such like obscure and inferior persons: so that, to conclude, we may have the comfort to see before us the very face of a sufficient and well composed House, such as may be worthy to be a representative of the third estate of our kingdom, fit to nourish a loving and comfortable meeting between us and our people, and fit to be a noble instruJuent, under the blessing of Almighty God, and our princely care and power, and with the loving conjunction of our prelaws and peers, for the settling of so great affairs, as are before expressed.

The cause of change may either be in myself or your lordship. I ought first to examine myself, which I have done; and God is my witness, I find all well, and that I have approved myself to your lordship a true friend, both in the watery trial of prosperity, and in the fiery trial of adversity. If your lordship take any insatisfaction touching the House, I humbly pray you, think better of it; for that motion to me was a second sentence, more grievous than the first, as things then stood and do yet stand: for it sentenced me to have lost, both in mine own opinion, and much more in the opinion of others, that which was saved to me, almost only, in the former sentence, and which was more dear to me than all that which was taken from me, which is your lordship's love and favour: for had it not been for that bitter circumstance, your lordship knows that you might have commanded my life and all that is mine. But surely it could not be that, nor any thing in me, which wrought the change. It is likely, on the other part, that though your lordship, in your nature, I know to be generous and constant, yet I being now become out of sight, and out of use, your lordship having a flood of new friends, and your ears possessed perhaps by such as would not leave room for an old, your lordship may, even by course of the world and the overbearing of others, be turned from me, and it were almost a miracle if it should be otherwise. But yet, because your lordship may still have so heroical a spirit as to stand out all these violent assaults, which might have alienated you from your friend, my humble suit to your lordship is, that remembering your former friendship, which began with your beginning, and since that time hath never failed on my part, your lordship would deal clearly with me, and let me know whether I continue in your favour or no; and whether in those poor requests, which I may yet make to his majesty, (whose true servant I ever was and am,) for the tempering of my misery, I may presume to use your lordship's favour and help, as I have done; for otherwise it were a kind of stupidness for me not to discern the change, for your lordin me, and a great trouble also to your lordship, ship to have an importuner, instead of a friend and a suitor. Though, howsoever, if your lordship should never think of me more, yet in respect of your former favours, which cannot altogether be made void, I must remain, &c.



Though I returned an answer to your lordship's last honourable and kind letter, by the same way


I was likely to have had the fortune of Cajus Plinius the elder, who lost his life by trying an experiment about the burning of the Mountain Vesuvius. For I was also desirous to try an experiment or two, touching the conservation and induration of bodies. As for the experiment itself, it succeeded excellently well; but in the journey (between London and Highgate,) I was taken with such a fit of casting, as I knew not whether it were the stone, or some surfeit, or cold, or indeed a touch of them all three. But when I came to your lordship's house, I was not able to go back, and therefore was forced to take up my lodging here, where your housekeeper is very careful and diligent about me, which I assure myself your lordship will not only pardon towards him, but think the better of him for it. For indeed your lordship's house was happy to me; and I kiss your noble hands for the welcome which I am sure you give me to it, &c.

by which I received it, yet I humbly pray your
lordship to give me leave to add these few lines. | MY VERY GOOD Lord,
My lord, as God above is my witness, that I ever
have loved and honoured your lordship as much,
I think, as any son of Adam can love or honour
any thing that is a subject; and do still continue
in as hearty and strong wishes of felicity to be
heaped and fixed upon you as ever and so yet I
protest, that at this time, as low as I am, I had
rather sojourn the rest of my life in a college in
Cambridge, than recover a good fortune by any
other than yourself. But now, to recover your-
self to me, (if I have you not already,) or to ease
your lordship in any business of mine, wherein
your lordship would not so fully appear, or to be
made partaker of your favours in the way that
you like best, I would use any man who were
your lordship's friend. Secondly, if in any thing
of my former letters I have given your lordship
any distaste, either by the style of them or any
particular passage in them, I humbly pray your
lordship's benign construction and pardon. I
confess it is my fault, though yet it be some hap-
piness to me withal, that I many times forget my
adversity: but I shall never forget to be, &c.

I know how unfit it is for me to write to your lordship with any other hand than my own; but, by my troth, my fingers are so disjointed with this fit of sickness, that I cannot steadily hold a pen.


MR. FRANCIS BACON TO SIR JOHN PUCKERING, the manner shall be to impeach the end, it shall


teach my devotion not to exceed wishes, and those in silence. Yet, notwithstanding, (to speak vainly as in grief,) it may be her majesty hath discouraged as good a heart as ever looked toward her service, and as void of self-love. And so, in more grief than I can well express, and much more than I can well dissemble, I leave your lordship, being as ever,

MY LORD,-It is a great grief unto me, joined with marvel, that her majesty should retain a hard conceit of my speeches in parliament. It might please her sacred majesty to think what my end should be in those speeches, if it were not duty, and duty alone. I am not so simple but I know the common beaten way to please. And whereas popularity hath been objected, I muse what care I should take to please many, that take a course of life to deal with few. On the other side, her majesty's grace and particular favour towards me hath been such, as I esteem TO SIR THOMAS EGERTON, LORD KEEPER OF

no worldly thing above the comfort to enjoy it, except it be the conscience to deserve it. But, if the not seconding of some particular person's opinion shall be presumption, and to differ upon

Harl. MSS. vol. 286, No. 129, fol. 232.

On Wednesday, the 7th of March, 1592-3, upon the three subsidies demanded of the House of Commons; to which he assented, but not to the payment of them under six years, urging the necessities of the people, the danger of raising public discontentment, and the setting of an evil precedent against themselves and their posterity. See Sir Simmons D'Ewes's Journals, p. 493. He sat in that parliament, which met November 19, 1592, and was dissolved 10 April, 1593, as one of the knights of the shire for Middlesex.

Your lordship's entirely devoted, &c.



I am to make humble complaint to your lordship of some hard dealing offered me by one Sympson, a goldsmith, a man noted much, as I have heard, for extremities and stoutness upon his purse; but yet I could scarcely have imagined he would have dealt either so dishonestly

From the original in the Hatfield Collection of State Papers, communicated to me by the Rev. William Murdin, B. D., and intended by him for the public in a third volume of the collection of those papers, if his death had not prevented him from executing his design.

especially in persons known to be qualified with that place and employment, which, though unworthy, I am vouchsafed, I enforce nothing, thinking I have done my part when I have made it known, and so leave it to your lordship's honourable consideration. And, so with signification of my humble duty, &c.


IT MAY PLEASE your Honour,

I humbly pray you to understand how badly I have been used by the enclosed, being a copy of a letter of complaint thereof, which I have written to the lord keeper. How sensitive you are of wrongs offered to your blood in my particular I have had not long since experience. But, herein I think your honour will be doubly sensitive, in tenderness also of the indignity to her majesty's service; for as for me, Mr. Sympson might have had me every day in London; and, therefore, to belay me while he knew I came from the Tower about her majesty's special service, was to my understanding very bold. And two days before he brags he forbore me, because I dined with Sheriff More: so as with Mr. Sympson, examinations at the Tower are not so great a privilege, eundo et redeundo, as Sheriff More's dinner. But this complaint I make in duty; and to that end have also informed my Lord of Essex thereof; for, otherwise his punishment will do me no good.

towards myself, or so contemptuously towards causes, much more in matters of this nature, her majesty's service. For this Lombard (pardon me, I most humbly pray your lordship, if, being admonished by the street he dwells in, I give him that name) having me in bond for three hundred pounds principal, and I having the last term confessed the action, and by his full and direct consent, respited the satisfaction till the beginning of this term to come, without ever giving me warning, either by letter or message, served an xecution upon me, having trained me at such time as I came from the Tower, where Mr. Waad can witness, we attended a service of no mean importance; neither would he so much as vouchsafe to come and speak with me to take any order in it, though I sent for him divers times, and his house was just by; handling it as upon a despite, being a man I never provoked with a cross word, no, nor with many delays. He would have urged it to have had me in prison; which he had done, had not Sheriff More, to whom I sent, gently recommended me to a handsome house in Coleman street, where I am. Now, because he will not treat with me, I am enforced humbly to desire your lordship to send for him according to your place, to bring him to some reason; and this forthwith, because I continue here to my farther discredit and inconvenience, and the trouble of the gentleman with whom I am. I have a hundred pounds lying by me, which he may have, and the rest upon some reasonable time and security, or, if need be, the whole; but with my more trouble. As for the contempt he hath offered, in regard her majesty's service to my understanding, carrieth a privilege eundo et redeundo in meaner *It is not easy to determine what this service was; but it seems to relate to the examination of some prisoner; perhaps Edward Squire, executed in November, 1598, for poisoning the queen's saddle; or Valentine Thomas, who accused the King of Scots of practices against Queen Elizabeth [Historical View, p. 178;] or one Stanley, concerning whom I shall insert here passages from two MS. letters of John Chamberlain, Esq., to his friend, Dudley Carleton, Esq.; afterwards ambassador to Venice, the United Provinces, and France; these letters being part of a very large collection, from 1598 to 1625, which I transcribed from the originals. "One Stan ley," says Mr. Chamberlain, in his letter dated at London, 3d of October, 1698, "that came in sixteen days over land with letters out of Spain, is lately committed to the Tower. He was very earnest to have private conference with her majesty, pretending matter of great importance, which he would by no means utter to anybody else." In another letter, dated 20th of November, 1598, Mr. Chamberlain observes, that on "the day that they looked for Stanley's arraignment, he came not himself, but sent his forerunner, one Squire, that had been an under purveyor of the stable, who being in Spain was dealt withal by one Walpole, a Jesuit, to poison the queen and the Earl of Essex; and acearl in his own ship the last journey, and poisoned the arms or handles of the chair he used to sit in, with a confection he

cordingly came prepared into England, and went with the

had received of the Jesuit; as likewise he had done the pummel of the queen's saddle, not past five days before his going to sea. But, because nothing succeeded of it, the priest thinking he had either changed his purpose, or betrayed it, gave Stanley instructions to accuse him; thereby to get him more credit, and to be revenged of Squire for breaking pronise. The fellow confessed the whole practice, and, as it seemed, died very penitent."

So, with signification of my humble duty, I
commend your honour to the divine preservation.
At your honourable command particularly,

From Coleman street, this
24th of September, 1598.



Because we live in an age, where every man's imperfections are but another's fable; and that there fell out an accident in the Exchequer, which I know not how, nor how soon may be traduced, though I dare trust rumour in it, except it be malicious, or extreme partial; I am bold now to possess your honour, as one that ever I found careful of my advancement, and yet more jealous of my wrongs, with the truth of that which passed; deferring my farther request, until I may attend your honour: and so, I continue

Your honour's very humble and
particularly bounden,

Gray's Inn, this
24th of April, 1601.


* From the Hatfield Collection

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