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all, however, acknowledged a paramount fovereignty in the Ram. Rajah (who is fuppofed to have been the immediate defcendant of Sevagi); but the degrees of fubmiffion feem to have been meafured by time and circumftance. The connection and dependence refembled the feudal establishments in Europe. Some of the ftates grew too powerful to admit of any farther fervice than what fuited their immediate interefts; and others were apt to follow the example, who were lefs able to abide the poffible confequences of it.

A revolution in the court of the Ram-Rajah tended much to weaken this connection, and to leffen the reverence as well as the dependence of the other states. The weakness of a minority enabled Nana Row, the prime minister (a man of abilities, and a Bramin) to feize the reins of government; and the influence of that powerful body of which he was a member, ferved effectually to fecure and establish his authority. Such revolutions have at all times been fo frequent in the eastern world, as to prevent their exciting any extraordinary degree of furprize. This revolution, contrary to the eftablished practice of moft ages and nations, was unftained by blood; but we are not to forget that it was conducted by Bramins. The ufurper was fatisfied with the power, without affuming the titles or infignia of fovereignty. The infant Ram-Rajah was kept in a fort of fplendid confinement, furrounded with the appendages of eaftern grandeur, but debarred of all power, and kept totally ignorant of bufinefs. It is not impro

bable that he might have confidered as the proper life of a momarch, that ftate of eafe and infignificance, which fo many princes feem difpofed voluntarily to adopt. The feat of government was transferred from the ancient royal refidence of Sitterah, to Poonah; and Nana Row, as well as his fucceffors, feem ftill to have acted under the fuppofed authority of the depofed prince, by their affuming no other title or character than that of Paishwa, or prime minifter. From this change, the empire of the Ram-Rajah has been diftinguished only by the appellation of the Paifhwaship, or otherwife the government of Poonah, from the name of its prefent capital.

This extraordinary government of minifters became hereditary, and was for a time fo ably conducted, that the empire seemed to lofe nothing of its former power and fplendour. But ambition having at length made its way into the family of the minifters, and in defpite of the ftrict religi ous principles of their order, there producing its ufual baleful effects, internal diffentions have fince been the means of impeding the active exertions, and of reducing the power of the state. Of all thefe evils, the opportunity which they afforded to the extraordinary aggrandizement of Hyder Ally, who from a foldier of fortune became the fcourge or the terror of all that fide of India, may be confidered as far the greatest.

Nana Row was fucceeded by his eldeft fon Madai, who, dying without iffue, towards the end of the year 1772, the government, as it was now fettled, of courfe de[4] 3

volved

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volved to his younger brother,
Narrain Row. Their uncle, Ra-
gonaut Row, otherwife known in
this country by the name of Ra-
gaboy, had for fome years lain
re-
in clofe confinement, for
peated plots to feize upon the go-
vernment. Madai Row being a-
ware of the youth and inexperi-
ence of his brother, and dreading
the infidious craft and intrigues of
Ragonaut, though in confinement,
thought that gratitude might ope-
rate more powerfully in retrain-
ing the effect of that factious and
turbulent fpirit than the walls of
a prifon. He accordingly re-
leafed Ragonaut, places him in
an honourable fituation in the go-
vernment, and joining the hands
of the uncle and nephew, as he lay
dving, adjured the former by every
human and facred tie and autho-
rity, to aid the youth and inexpe-
rience of the latter by his advice,
affiftance, and protection.

ANNUAL REGISTER, 1782.

Ragonaut, in difcharge of the
truft repofed in him, procured,
year, the affaf
within lefs than
fination of his nephew; hoping to
fecure the Paifhwafhip in his own
family, by the extinction of that
brother's line, whofe abilities had
rendered him its founder. The
confequences were in fome de.
gree fuch as he merited.

The
ating powers of the ftate in his
hands, along with his perfonal
influence, and the weight of a
faction which he headed, were all
incapable of refifting that general
indignation which fo execrable a
deed excited among the Marattas,
He with difficulty efcaped the
public vengeance, by abandoning
his country, and flying for refuge
The protection af-
to Bombay.
forded to him, with the attempts

made, and the continued intrigues
and plots carried on for forcing
him into the government of a
great people, in direct contradic-
tion to their own will and liking,
laid the foundation for all thofe
wars and troubles which have fince
taken place between the English
and the Marattas.

But

Notwithstanding the loffes fuftained from without, through their inteftine diffentions and domeftic troubles, the Poonah Marattas are ftill a great and powerful people; their dominions, including thofe of the tributary and feudatory princes immediately depending on them, are of a wide extent; and they can bring numerous and powerful armies into the field. thefe being compofed almost entirely of cavalry, are neceffarily fubject to the defects to which that powerful arm of military force is liable when employed fingly; and being conftituted on the fame principles with the ancient feudal armies of Europe, they are likewife fubject to all the difadvantages of that fyftem. They rufh eagerly into the field, at the call of their refpective chiefs, and fweep every thing before them like a tempeft in their progrefs; but it is the univerfal practice of the Marattas, as foon as the expedition is ended, to return home with the fpoil; fome bodies only excepted, which are peculiarly deftined to attend the perfons of their princes. They may, however, be fummoned again in a few days, and will affemble with the fame alacrity as before. It may be eafily feen what great advantages this conftitution of their armies, together with the want of infantry, must afford to the unceasing efforts

of

of regular forces; while, on the other hand, the latter can fcarcely hope to protect open countries from their ravages. The wars of the ancient Parthians throw no fmall light on the oppofite advantages and difadvantages in both cafes. The prefent ufe of artillery, however, inclines the scale, heavily on the fide of a mixed and regular force.

The Rajah of Berar ftands next to the Poonah Marrattas, with refpect to power and extent of dominions; and is in fact too great and independent to owe any farther acknowledgement to that court than what his immediate interefts dictate, and the remains of ancient attachment might poffibly excite. He has befides claims to the fucceffion of that fovereignty, which tend ftrongly to difanion, he being lineally defcended from the family of the Ram Rajah; and the depofed elder line, as is apprehended,

now extinct.

Sindia and Holkar, who are fuppofed to be defcended from Hindoo kings of the higheft antiquity, alfo poffefs very confiderable and valuable territories. These princes have entered deeply into the late and prefent politics of the court of Poonah, and find it more flattering to their ambition, and more conducive to their fecurity and interefts, to participate in the general greatness of the empire, and to prefide at the head of that ariftocracy, which, fince the affaffination of Narrain Row, guides all its councils, than by taking any advantage of its temporary weaknefs, to aim at a precarious independency, under the reftrictions of a circumfcribed power in their own dominions. We have already

fhewn, that the numerous other Maratta ftates are guided by circumftance and occafion, in their attachment to or dependence on the court of Poonah. Upon the whole, it does not appear that any general principle of union, excepting that of felf-defence, fubfifts at prefent among the Maratta states; and it would therefore feem, that nothing lefs than fome common danger reaching to the whole, could direct their united powers to any one point of action. Happy it is to the European and Mahome dan interefts in India, that the force of this vaft and warlike empire is fo divided.

It will here be neceffary to take fome notice of the fituation in which the Company stood for fome years back, with refpect to their other powerful and formidable neighbour Hyder Ally. When that bold and enterprizing prince brought the war, which had been commenced against him, to a fortunate iffue in the year 1769; and when, in the height of fuccefs, he perfonally dictated equitable terms of peace to the Company at the gates of Madras, a treaty of friendhip and alliance was then, in the firmeft manner, concluded between the late contending parties. By this treaty, it was ftipulated, that the contracting parties fhould mutually affift each other against any enemy that should attack either: a claufe evidently pointed against the Marattas, and undoubtedly fo understood and verbally explained on both fides, although any particular fpecification of them in the written inftrument was prudently omitted.

Hyder, with that fagacity and forefight which diftinguifhes his [4] 4

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character, determined to make an early discovery of the degree of reliance and value which was to be placed on the faith and the friendship of his new ally. He accordingly, on the commencement of a war with the Marattas, which immediately after broke out, wrote a letter to the governor of Madras, requiring that, confiftently with the friendship and regard fubfifting between them, and for the good appearance thereof in the eyes of the world, he would, for form's fake, fend an officer with a battalion of feapoys to his affiftance. A compliance with this requifition was evaded, under the apprehenfion of a war with the Marattas, as another propofition made by Hyder at the fame time was, upon the ground of impropriety in adopting a meafure of confequence without confulting the other prefiden

cies.

Before the war had continued quite a year, the Marattas having broken upon different fides into Hyder's dominions, and taken feveral of his forts, he wrote another letter to Madras in the beginning of March 1770, in which he stated, that in confideration of the union between them, his army and artillery were their own; that notwithstanding he had a right to confider theirs in the fame light, yet, if they would only fend a fmall force to join and act in concert with him, in order to maintain the appearance of connexion, he would require no more. But, at the fame time, the British agents in Hyder's camp informed the prefidency, that he was very earneft in his defire of a more effective aid than what he mentioned in his letter, and that he had commif.

fioned them to acquaint the go-vernor and council, that as he fhould, on his part, punctually maintain the ftrict friendship between them, he expected they would, in conformity thereto, fupply him with a body of troops; and that he was even willing to pay a fpecified fum of money to defray the expence of their fervice, in order to obviate any failure of the performance on their fide. Thefe gentlemen, from themselves remarked, that if this requifition was not complied with, they much feared that Hyder's former indifpofition to the Company would again return.

These applications produced no more effect at Madras than the former. The Marattas, under the conduct of Madai Row, fo totally overpowered Hyder in this war, that his ruin was deemed inevitable. Unable to face them in the field, they were mafters of all the open country; and his strongest fortreffes were barely capable of affording refuge and protection to his troops. Thus fhut up, and all cultivation at an end in his dominions, it feemed evident, that however excellently his magazines were provided, famine must foon accomplish what the want of infantry and a good artillery had hitherto prevented the Marattas from effecting.

In this state of neceffity and danger, Hyder, of courfe, made repeated applications to his new allies for the performance of their engagements; ftating the advantages to be derived from their alliance with him, and ftrongly urging the danger, if not ruin, to themfelves and to the whole peninfula, which the fuccefs of the Marattas, in the accomplishment

complishment of their an.bitious views upon him, would inevitably produce. Various pretences for a non-compliance with thefe requifitions were still found; and it appears upon the whole, that evafion and procrastination were the only principles of conduct adopted with refpect to Hyder Ally at Madras. It is not impoffible that the influence which the Nabob of Arcot poffeffed in that prefidency, and the inveterate perfonal animofity which he bore to Hyder Ally, might have had no fmall effect with refpect to this conduct. It is certain, that the nabob at all times urged an alliance with the Marattas against Hyder.

The fortune of Hyder Ally at length triumphed over all his dan gers and enemies. It feems probable, that the declining health of Madai Row contributed to fave him from deftruction; and that the anxious folicitude of that chief to leave his young brother Narrain in a state of foreign as well as domeftic tranquillity, was what enabled Hyder to obtain a peace upon tolerable terms, and without the intervention of friend or ally, in the month of July 1772. The fubfequent diffentions and troubles of the Marattas, together with the war in which they were unexpectedly involved with Bomhay, afforded an opportunity to Hyder, not only to recover all the territories which he had given up by the peace, but greatly to increase his power and dominion by new conquefts. It cannot be fuppofed, after that failure, if not breach of public engagement and faith, which Hyder had experienced in the hour of danger, that he could again look with friend

fhip or cordiality to Madras. He was, however, too good a statesman to declare his fentiments wantonly; and ftill preferved a civil but cool intercourfe. In this ftate of things he naturally fell in with France, by whom he was liberally fupplied with artillery, arms, ammunition, and all thofe military neceffaries which enabled him in a very fhort time to renew the war with fo much fuccefs and advantage against the Marattas. That politic nation faw the infinite advantage that might be derived from his friendfhip in their future defigns upon the Carnatic. Their officers were permitted, if not encouraged, to enter into his fervice; to train his armies, and to form a powerful artillery upon the European model. Thefe opportunities of advantage were not loft upon him, who was indefatigable in the procefs and completion of that military fyftem which was to render him the most formidable prince in India.

As the conduct at Madras had thus facrificed the friendship and alliance of Hyder Ally, fo Bombay was no lefs fuccefsful in eftablishing the enmity of the Ma. rattas. A man of Ragonaut Row's character could not be fuppofed flack in making any conceffions, however difhonourable or ruinous to his country, which could tend to the restoration of his power. Bombay was dazzled by the fplendid idea of naming a fovereign for the great nation of the Marattas; and nothing could be more flattering than the expectation of that fovereign's being their own immediate inftrument and vaffal. By the treaty with Ragonaut Row,

befides

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