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that the nature of the war had rendered it impracticable to meet them in all places with that ad vantage; but, that even if it fhould be found we were unable to match them in force and num bers, the fault did not lie with: the board of admiralty; it being a truth demonftrable from our naval history, that whenever the. French directed their whole attention to the improvement and in-, crease of their marine, they had always rendered it fuperior to that of Great Britain. Thefe pofitions were feverally denied by Admiral Keppel; but being irrelevant to the queftion before the Houfe, they underwent no further difcuffion for the present.

An amendment to the fame ef fect with that moved in the Houfe of Commons, and expreffed in nearly the fame words, was moved in the Upper Houfe, and rejected by a majority of 75 (including 10 proxies) to 31. The debate alfo turned upon the fame general topics; but it was remarked, that the language of the two fecretaries of state in that affembly was much more explicit and unequivocal with refpect to the intentions of government to profecute the war in America, than what the minifters in the other Houfe had ventured to maintain. This circumftance occafioned a fecond debate in the Houfe of Commons, upon receiving the report of the addrefs, on the following day, in which the question of the pledge, fuppofed to be conveyed by the addreis to fupport that war, underwent another very able dif, cuflion..

On the fide of oppofition it was argued, that the prefent alarming crisis of affairs called, in a parti

cular manner, for the most explicit and intelligible language from parliament. That from the open and unqualified declaration of his Majefty's fervants in another place, the intentions of government could no longer remain, a matter of doubt; and therefore, if the addrefs was not meant to convey to the king an engagement on their part to fupport him in those defigns, that it was hypocritical and delufive. That from the dark and ambiguous expreffions of the minifter in that House, in the former debate, and his total filence in the prefent, fome doubts might be entertained refpecting his real private fentiments; but that whatever those might be, the meaning of the addrets could only be collected from the terms in which it was expreffed; that these were intelligible to the loweft capacity; and that it would be highly improper that the honour and reputation of the Houfe fhould be committed in the intrigues of a divided cabinet.

The defence of the address, in its original form, was, undertaken by Mr. Dundas, the Lord Advocate for Scotland. He began his argument with observing, that the news of a late great and national misfortune had not arrived unexpected by him, but that the impreffion it had left on his mind, had induced him to examine, with the moft fcrupulous jealouty, the fpeech from the throne, fearing to find in it fome expreffion, an approbation of which might in any fort pledge him to a particular line of conduct in that House: that, on the moft minute examination, he had not found any fuch expreffions in it; that its language was firm and manly, calculated to thew

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the world that no difafter, however great, could deprefs the spirit or fink the courage of the nation: but that ftill its language was general; that confequently the addrefs, which, as ufual, was couched in the fame terms, must be general, and could not be underfood as preclufive of any future vote or parliamentary proceeding whatever. This, he faid, was the fenfe in which those who propofed and those who voted for the addrefs, understood it; and he ridiculed the attempt that was made by others, who pretended that they only could conftrue it to force upon them a meaning which they utterly disavowed. Much

of the intricacy which had involved the prefent queftion, he conceived, had arifen from the loofe and indefinite ufe of the term, "American war." If by an American war was meant a continental war in America, conducted on the fame military principles on which it had hitherto been carried on, it was with great reafon the Houfe had been cautioned against pledging themselves for the fupport of it. But he could difcover no fuch defign either in the fpeech or in the addrefs. But if the retention and defence of fuch places as were ftill left in our poffeffion in America was to be called an American war, and under that denomination to be reprobated, he did not think the Houfe yet ripe for fuch a decifion. Thefe, however, were matters totally unconnected with the queftion before the Houle; and whenever they came to be debated, which in a fhort time would undoubtedly be the cafe, every member, as well thofe who voted for as against the addrefs, would be at

full liberty to deliver their fentiments upon them.

With refpect to the diversity of opinions which, it had been infinuated, prevailed amongst the members of the cabinet upon the fubject of the future conduct of the war, he fhould declare his opinion with freedom and boldness, that the minifter who, to preferve his fituation, could submit to concur in meafures which he difapproved, was highly criminal. It would not be admitted as any exculpation of fuch a minifter, to fay, he had been over-ruled in the cabinet. "That the King could "do no wrong," was a facred maxim of the conftitution, neceffary for the perfonal fafety of the fovereign, and for the free deliberation of parliament; but this maxim implied, that whatever was wrong in the administration of the ftate, was to be afcribed to his minifters; and that they, jointly and feverally, were responsible to the public.

In answer to the arguments that had been drawn from a supposed ambiguity in the language of minifters, it might be afked, he faid, what purpofe could fuch a delufion (if any delufion is intended) anfwer? The cheat would be foon detected; it would fcarcely laft a week: a question would neceffarily foon come before parliament, which would oblige minifters to fpeak out fully and explicitly. Being called on to explain to what he alluded, he said, that when minifters called on the Houfe to vote a fubftitution of forces to replace the 7000 men loft with Lord Cornwallis, they muft meet the question fully. In answer to these arguments, [1] 2

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it was again urged, that the intention with which an individual member of parliament might propofe to confine his own affent to a general propofition, could be no meafure for the proceedings of the Houfe. That the fenfe and meaning of a written production arofe from the words and phrafes in which it was expreffed. That though the words "American war," were ftudiously avoided, yet, from the language of former fpeeches and addreffes, and from the whole tenor of the prefent, it was obviously the profecution of that war his Majefty called on them to fupport. That the learned lord had deferted the proper ground of debate when he faid fo much about the mode of conducting the war. The object and end of it were the material confideration to be spoken to. The argument drawn from the fhortnefs of the time which the delufion prefumed could poflibly operate, drew on the minifter fome fevere and pointed animadverfions from Mr. Burke. Such delufions, he faid, the minister dealt in; they were the daily traffic of his invention. A week! he had often held out delufion for half that time; for a day only; nay, for a tingle hour. He had practifed delufions upon the Houfe, which died away before the debate was ended, only to ferve the immediate purpose for which they had been contrived.

Among the mifcellaneous matter which was introduced into this debate, the fame gentleman called the attention of the Houfe to what he conceived to be the most shocking and difgraceful proceeding that had ever ftained the British

name: this was the 10th article of the capitulation of Lord Cornwallis, by which the royalifts who had joined the British army, were left to the mercy of the civil power in America. By fire and fword, he said, we had forced the Americans to join the king's troops; and thofe very men who had been fighting with us to quell rebellion, were to fuffer an ignominious death for having themselves been rebels. He painted, in the strongest colours, the headlands of the Chefapeak exhibiting the parched quarters of the king's friends; and asked, if it was not a glorious fight to meet the eyes of a prince of the royal blood on his firft arrival in America! After a most eloquent and fuccefsful application to the feelings of the Houfe on this fubject, he begged leave to mention another circumftance that had occurred in the fame bufinefs, in which a serious mind, without being extremely addicted to fuperftition, might think it was the fpecial hand of Providence. The Colonel Laurens. who had drawn up the articles of capitulation, and in whofe cuftody Lord Cornwallis was at that time a prifoner in America, was the fon of Mr Laurens, late prefident of Congrefs, who had been committed a clofe prifoner to the Tower of London, of which Lord Cornwallis was himfelf the governor; and had thus become a prifoner to the fon of his own pri-" foner.

Amongst the fpeeches moft diftinguifhed in this debate, that of Mr. Wm. Pitt was received with fingular marks of applaufe from every fide of the Houfe. At length

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the queftion being put, there appeared for bringing up the report 151; against it 54. Nov. 30th.

Though the moderate and accommodating language ufed by the minifter in the debate on the addrefs, and the more open declartions which had come from a quarter known to be intimately connected with government, had fome effect in removing the apprehenfions of the Houfe with re. gard to the farther profecution of the American war, yet they were thought by no means lo fatisfactory by the members in oppofition, as to relax their endeavours to obtain fome more explicit avowal of his intentions. Aocordingly, on the ufual motion for the Houfe to go into a committee of fupply, Mr. Thomas Pitt rofe to object to the fpeaker's leaving the chair. It was not his wifh, he faid, to deprive the crown of the means of carrying on its government in the prefent alarming juncture of affairs; he did not mean to hinder, but to protract the proceedings of the Houfe in this bufinefs, left adminiftration carrying their point with a facility that rendered them callous to the diftreffes of the nation, fhould be encouraged to perfevere in the fame councils and meafures which had brought the empire to the verge of irretrievable ruin. Before they looked for any fresh proof of the confidence of parliament, it was requifite they thould fhew a due fenfe of their own mifconduct, and give a fure pledge of their intentions to change the whole fyftem of their proceedings. What that pledge ought to be, would be for the Houfe to deter

mine. But to withhold the fupplies till tome pofitive affurance of their repentance was obtained, till fome proof of their contrition ftood on record, was not only a duty the members owed their conftituents, but would be the most effectual means of strengthening the hands of government. That the redrefs of grievances fhould invariably precede the opening of the public purfe, was a principle on which flood the existence of the conftitution. He was therefore warranted in oppofing privilege to prerogative, and in refufing to vote a fhilling to the crown till its minifters had given the people fome earnest of their amendment.

This attempt to obftruct the ordinary courfe of business in the Houfe, was reprefented on the fide of adminiftration, rather as the effect of political heat and paffion, than of any cool and ferious defire of perfuading the Houfe to adopt a measure of so defperate and ruinous a tendency. A vote of fupply, it was faid, was the neceffary confequence of the addrefs; to this they were undoubtedly pledged; but whenever the appropriation of the money voted fhould be proposed for the confideration of parliament, then they might refufe their confent to its being applied to the fupport of the American or any other war, or to any specific purpose whatever, if they should fo think fit. It was not denied that the propofition of the honourable member was conftitutional. The right of refufing any fupply was allowed to be inherent in the reprefentatives of the people: but in the exercite of that as of many other theoretical rights, the expe[1] 3

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diency of the measure was the object to be attended to. In former times it had been the practice of parliament to make the redrefs of grievances go before the grant of fupplies; but was this at prefent expedient, or even practi

cable? Before the Revolution the kings of England were poffeffed of a permanent revenue, and a variety of extensive resources, by which they were enabled to fupport the ordinary, civil, and military establishments of the kingdom. When, therefore, they called on the people in particular emergencies for an extraordinary fupply, parliament wifely took advantage of the neceffities of the prince, to obtain fuch conceffions as they judged neceffary for the fecurity of the rights of the fubject. But at the time of the Revolution, the conftitution in this refpect underwent a total change; and the former practice had, in confequence of that change, totally ceafed. The revenue neceffary for the defence and fupport of the kingdom was now annually provided for by parliament; and the exercife therefore of the right of refufal was become extremely difficult, if not entirely impracticable. To enquire into the existence of grievances, to difcover and adminifter effectual remedies, would neceffarily be a work of time; and was it not recollected that the interval between the commencement of an endeavour to remove the evils complained of and its fuccefsful completion, would be filled up by the annihilation of the fleets and armies of the nation? Equal mifchief would enfue if the mode of carrying on

the war, or the operations of the enfuing campaign were expected to be difclofed as the condition of granting the fupplies. The compliance with fuch a requifition would be in the highest degree criminal in minifters.

But a pledge of the contrition of government was at least required. Might there not be equal difficulty in bringing the various defcriptions of men who were to be found in that House, to agree and fix upon fuch a pledge as might be deemed fatisfactory? In the long inveftigation of the fubject, nothing respecting the nature of this pledge had yet tranfpired. In the opinion of fome it might be a change of minifters; others might afk for it in a renunciation of the war against America; a third fet, in the ceffation of hoftilities against the Dutch; a fourth, in the diminution of the influence of the crown; a fifth, in the reform of reprefentation in the Houfe of Commons.

The fituation of the country was allowed to be, in an unusual degree, critical and alarming; and fome change of measures neceffary. But these circumstances, it was contended, called for the most vigorous and united exertions of parliament. The eyes not only of the nation but of all our enemies were fixed upon them; and much of the spirit and exertions both of the one and of the other would depend on their refolutions.

In reply to thefe arguments it was urged, that whilft ministers wanted to perfuade the House to adopt their addrefs, it was faid, that it pledged the Houfe to no

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