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and that the scorn of their fellow-citizens is utterly feeble against them. They have fairly settled the question that public opinion, and the rights of conscience, and the honour of that religion which proclaims peace on earth, and good-will toward men, and which enjoins its followers to avoid even the appearance of evil, and to walk wisely towards them that are without, are not to be permitted to stand between the state clergy of Edinburgh, and the stipend which an Act of Parliament authorises them to realise out of the chairs and tables of Edinburgh citizens. They have fairly thrown down the gauntlet to the Voluntaries; and we are glad to see that it has been so promptly taken up by the Scottish Anti-State Church Society. We trust that the public meeting held in Edinburgh in connexion with this notable specimen of the beauties of State Churchism will be extensively followed up. Deeply blameable as were the disorder and violence of some of the spectators at the roupings, much valuable truth may be taught in the exposition of the text furnished by the Edinburgh State clergy on Monday, 3d July, 1848.

THE IRISH REGIUM DONUM PENSIONERS.

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VARIOUS and conflicting opinions have been expressed, by divines who may be held as authorities in the case, respecting the royal gift to the Presbyterians of the Synod of Ulster. Dr Chalmers, in welcoming the Synod's delegates at the disruption, pronounced the system to be his beau ideal of a Church Establishment. Dr Candlish, with, as we think, a keener observation of the scheme, has declared the donum to be "the hush-money of the State to keep its recipients quiet." Which of the opinions is the more consistent with the principles of the Free Churchman, is a question likely to be tested soon. Synod of Ulster ministers, it is well known, cannot trust themselves for support either to the Establishment system in the shape of donum, or to the Voluntary system in the shape of the free gifts of their people, or even to both systems combined. With very few exceptions, they are farmers as well as ministers, driven to the work of cultivating the soil in the way of supplementing the deficient remuneration they derive from both the sources we have named, for the discharge of their ministerial office. In this their secular capacity, they have a direct personal interest in every measure of legislation affecting the agriculture of Ireland. As agriculturists, they felt, or believed, that their interests were affected by the landlord and tenant bill, recently introduced by government in connexion with the prevailing distresses of the Irish labourers. And in

their capacity of ministers of religion, they ventured to lift up their voice in their own interest, and against the government measure. Thus it turned out that the hushmoney had been thrown away on these honest, outspoken clergymen; and was this to be tolerated? It is not to be supposed that the British government, in these retrenching days, will be satisfied with giving money for nothing-at least to parties who are not aristocrats. Yet as there was nothing in the bond stipulating that the Irish Presbyterian ministers must never differ from the Queen's government on any public question, it was not competent to sue them at law, as the Scottish non-intrusionists were sued, for a breach of bargain. What, then, was to be done?

The annual voting of the donum in the House of Commons, affords the means of a convenient check to the presumption of the pensioners. Trifling though the hush-money be, it is not got without a little grumbling on the part of Mr Hume, Mr Bright, and a few other members of Parliament, who are ever watching the opportunity to throw obstacles in the way of the grant. The government, then, have only to hold up Mr Hume in terrorem over the disobedient ministers; and this (whether accidentally or by design, they who know any thing of government procedure will best judge), they have actually done. The enemies of the donum have been allowed by her Majesty's ministers to carry a vote limiting it to three months, instead of a whole year as formerly. The recipients of the donum are thus put upon a short warning. Whether they will kiss their hand, and beg pardon of Lord John Russell for presuming to differ from him on the landlord and tenant bill, remains to be seen. One thing is already sufficiently plain-they are clearly convinced that Dr Chalmers' beau ideal of a church establishment is a galling bondage, and they are groaning for deliverance. "The tendency of the present system," says one of them, "tends to subserviency. Government has only to interpose difficulties in the way of the annual grant-to vote it in fragments, as has lately been done-or to intimate that the whole thing is an affair of good-will, and not a legal right; it may possibly be withheld altogether, and thus its requirements will be as well understood as if they had been conveyed in direct language. The church's choice now lies between a disreputable sycophancy to every state faction which may happen to be uppermost for the moment, and its own scriptural character." How they will make their election between these alternatives, we will not venture to predict; but it is our earnest wish and prayer, that they may be guided to place the support of the Christian minis

try on the foundation on which Christ left it. Then should another buttress of the Irish Church Establishment be removed, and the overthrow of that most enormous of all ecclesiastical enormities could not be long behind.

REFORMED PRESBYTERIAN SCHEME OF MINISTERIAL SUPPORT.

IN the second annual Report by a Committee of the Reformed Presbyterian Church, presented to their Synod in May last, and published in their Magazine for July, we find certain statements respecting the scheme for ministerial support so gratifying, that we cannot refrain from transferring them to our pages, with the view of giving them still wider circulation. The object contemplated in the appointment of the Committee was, "to adopt measures for raising the stipend of ministers in weak congregations, under judicious regulations, so that no minister in the church shall have a smaller income than L.100 per annum, with manse and sacramental and travelling expenses." The general principles by which the Committee's procedure was regulated, were, "(1.) That congregations having 150 members, or upwards, shall be regarded as not entitled to direct aid from the Committee. (2.) That the average yearly value of a manse shall be held to be not less than L.15, and sacramental and travelling expenses not less than L.10; thus making the minimum stipend of each minister L.125. (3.) That in no ordinary case shall a higher sum than L.20 per annum be granted to any congregation. (4.) That as a general rule, congregations having fewer than 150, and not fewer than 125 members, should get L.10; those having fewer than 125, and not fewer than 100, L.15; those having fewer than 100, L.20, on condition of making up an equal sum. (5.) That the Committee hold themselves at liberty to exercise a discretionary power in regard to such congregations as may happen to be placed in very peculiar circumstances." The grants by way of augmentation of stipend, commenced at Whitsunday 1847. The congregations paying not less than the minimum stipend were, when the Committee's proceedings commenced, six in number, but four had since been added under the stimulating influence of the new movement, so that they now amount to ten. Only three congregations having more than 150 members pay less than the minimum. Two, having fewer than 150 members, had declined drawing upon the general fund, and were endeavouring to raise the minimum stipend from their own resources, Five congregations having complied with the terms of the Committee's offer, had been

thereby raised to the minimum stipend. Four were receiving L.10 of supplement, on condition of themselves raising L.5 to meet this grant. One congregation had received L.25 in name of ministerial support. Four congregations under the minimum had not complied with the Committee's terms, and were consequently receiving no aid from the fund. In regard to three others in which the standard was below the minimum, the Committee, for reasons specified, had not yet come to any determination, but expected soon to do so. The Report adds, "The Committee have been enabled to originate and carry on their operations during the current year, exclusively by the liberality of a few friends in Glasgow. It was judged quite unadvisable, however, that a scheme of such magnitude and importance, involving the wellbeing, if not ultimately the very existence of our beloved church, should be allowed any longer to depend for its support upon so narrow a basis, even were the same generous individuals willing again to come forward, unaided by their brethren throughout the church, which the Committee did not consider themselves warranted either to expect or request." The Report, after detailing the means taken by the Committee to put the scheme on a general and comprehensive basis, goes on to plead the importance and necessity of the object contemplated. On this subject the following paragraph deserves the notice of all who feel interested in the efficiency and true success of a gospel ministry :

"A minister is under, at least, equal obligation, with others, to provide things honest in the sight of all men-to owe no man any thing, and to provide for his own, and specially for those of his own house; and when so straitened in temporalities as to find it almost impossible to do so, it cannot fail to have a depressing influence upon his moral feelings, and to impede his usefulness in a great variety of ways. A measure of comfort in outward circumstances is essential, in all ordinary cases, to the enjoyment of that buoyancy and elasticity of mind which constitute an important element in the efficient discharge of the functions of the ministerial office. It cannot be doubted, in fact, that, other things being equal, a minister, whose mind is at ease on this head, will be more efficient in his own proper sphere of labour, and will be able to do more for the general furtherance of the gospel, than the brother who is doomed to contend from day to day with humble poverty, which, instead of arousing the nobler energies, like the apostle's perilous but exciting conflict with the wild beasts at Ephesus, tends to harass, and irritate, and bedwarf the mind."

Well and truthfully spoken! The church is decidedly a loser by leaving her ministers in such circumstances as compel them to waste, in an irritating concern about the support of their families, the mental energy which might otherwise be devoted to increased effort in the duties of their sacred calling.

EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE.

A MEETING of the Evangelical Alliance was held at Bristol, on Tuesday 27th June and three following days. The attendance of members from a distance was large and encouraging, evincing the continued interest felt in the grand object of the alliance, -the promotion of harmony and affection among all who hold the head, even Christ. The public meetings also held on the occasion, were uniformly crowded, proving how much they who seek the peace of Jerusalem carry with them the sympathy of the Christian people. A committee was appointed to consider the state of religion in France, and collect facts, to be reported at next meeting; as also to communicate with evangelical friends in France, Switzerland, Italy, Belgium, and Hungary. It was agreed that a periodical paper be published, containing accounts of the proceedings of the Alliance. Deputations are to be sent to the several divisions, with the view of offering suggestions toward promoting the objects of the Alliance. Among other distinguished strangers, Signor Achilli of Malta, addressed the meeting, interpreted by Sir Culling Eardley. He had just come from Malta, and had passed in his way through Italy, Naples, Genoa, and Piedmont, for the purpose of investigating the state of national feeling as regarded religion. He found on the surface, every where, a political movement, but underneath one of religion. He had chiefly conversed with monks and priests. He had spoken to them of the Bible, and the necessity of studying its doctrines, and every where the necessity of that study was acknowledged. On one occasion he had met with three Jesuits, and he gave them three Bibles. He had found most zeal for religion in Tuscany. At Leghorn he preached to a large congregation, including a priest. He called upon them to study Christ through the Bible. At the baths at

Lucca he also preached; he there exhorted the people to read the translation of the Bible by Dr Odati, for he was a native of Lucca; he talked to them of the necessity of its study by real Christians. A priest, who was present, attempted to interfere, but the congregation would not hear him, for they said, if he would not preach the truth, he should at least hear it. At Florence he met several brethren, who were quietly waiting for an announcement of an opening by the free liberty of conscience. At Genoa he found some friends whom he had before met, who all expressed a desire for an Italian minister, whom he promised to send on the first opening being given. He then proceeded to Turin and to Piedmont, where in the valleys the Waldenses remain, who, he believed, were the descendants of the true ancient Christians who there took refuge. They were still distinguished by their zeal for religion. In every part of Italy he thus found a desire for the gospel. In Malta, a depot of the Bible Society was established, which distributed Bibles over every part of Italy. Sicily, particularly Catania and Messina, required more Bibles at the present time than any other part. He had no doubt that, when they once had a free constitution there would be a great opening in that island. He had received letters from many priests and monks, and he hoped that within a few months many preachers would be despatched to all parts. If this opportunity were taken advantage of by all Christians together, by their help, the Italians themselves, by their prayers, would do the work. He hoped they would choose one day and one hour which should be devoted to prayer for Italy. Signor Achilli concluded by saying, that one of the first acts of Italian Christians would be to establish an Evangelical Alliance, similar to that which he had come from Malta to be present at.

It was agreed that a meeting of the Alliance should be held in October, but the place of meeting was left for the council to determine. We understand that there is a strong likelihood of its being held at Glasgow; and as the idea of the Alliance may be said to have originated in our western metropolis, we cannot doubt that the council, and all the friends, will own the claims of that city to an early and a numerous meeting.

Printed by THOMAS MURRAY, of No. 2 Arniston Place, and WILLIAM GIBB, of No. 12 Queen Street, at the Printing Office of MURRAY and GIBB, North-East Thistle Street Lane, and Published by WILLIAM OLIPHANT, of No. 21 Buccleuch Place, at his Shop, No. 7 South Bridge, Edinburgh, on the 26th July 1848.

THE

UNITED PRESBYTERIAN MAGAZINE,

FOR SEPTEMBER, 1848.

Miscellaneous Communications.

THE PRESENT COMMOTIONS ON THE EUROPEAN CONTINENT, WITH THEIR PROBABLE INFLUENCE UPON THE PROGRESS OF EVANGELICAL TRUTH.

THE eager gaze of both worlds-the Old and the New-is, at the present time, intently fixed on the European continent, watching the progress of the extraordinary commotions which have transpired there within the few last months. The political earthquake agitates the most powerful kingdoms and states; rocks to their bases institutions which centuries have consolidated; and has already prostrated one of the proudest thrones of Europe.

This mighty movement, unparalleled in the era of civilisation-unequalled by the commotions of the Reformation, or even by the incursions of the northern hordes-from its centre of action in the French capital, spreads itself all around, causing the waters of the Mediterranean to tremble on one side, and, on the other, heaving the billows of the Baltic. The alarming tremors of this great movement have reached the British islands, and its undulations have broken on our shores. nations which have as yet escaped revolution are standing in anxious suspense, with combined hopes and fears, awaiting the result. Whilst all eyes are thus turned to this sudden movement-watching its progress, observing its political and social

NO. IX. VOL. II.

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results-the friends of religion cannot fail to regard it with earnest attention, in reference to its probable influence on the progress of Messiah's kingdom, and the prosperity of evangelical truth on the European continent. The nations of Europe head the march of civilisation, and occupy the van in the progress of science, art, and enterprise. These nations, moreover, are all embraced within the pale of Christendom. But it is in Europe that Antichrist has his seat, and his most powerful influence. There his adherents are most numerous; thence his emissaries go forth, to disseminate the seeds of error over the earth; and thence he draws his chief resources. There, too, superstition, irreligion, and infidelity, yield in abundance their deadliest fruits. How devoutly to be desired, then, that Europe should be emancipated from the thraldom of error; that the truth should make Europe free! Then would she be free indeed. The advantages to humanity would be incalculable. Not only would her own millions enjoy the liberty wherewith Christ maketh his people free, but the well-head of Antichristian error would be dried up; and emancipated, enlightened, united Christendom,

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would go forth an embattled host, to subvert the empire of darkness, to plant the banner of the Cross on every shore, and achieve the speedy evangelization of the world. This

is a work reserved for a united church. All that can be accomplished by different denominations, acting apart, and sometimes opposing one another, must be partial and incomplete. Whilst, therefore, the Protestant churches give themselves to the evangelization of the heathen, they ought, above all, to seek the deliverance of all who bear the name of Christ from the domination of error and superstition.

This blessed result achieved, the followers of Jesus would form one grand army of the faithful. Each kingdom would contribute its contingent of spiritual warriors to this holy crusade, to fight the battles of the Lord. The brave and sprightly Frenchman, the profound and persevering German, the enthusiastic and imaginative Italian, would go forth, hand in hand, with enlightened and devoted Britain, to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty. If such results might reasonably be anticipated from the triumph of the truth in Europe, the engrossing question presses itself on us, How is the progress of the gospel likely to be affected by the movements now occurring? In answering this question, we must look at the distinctive features of this un

paralleled commotion. It is not a mere Italian commotion, or French revolution, or German movement; it is not bounded by the lofty Alps, or by the deep, broad Rhine; but embraces in its wide range the whole of Southern and Central Europe, including the kingdoms and duchies of Italy, France, Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, and the minor states of Germany. In its character it is European. Altogether it pervades a population amounting to not less than 120,000,000, independently of its in

direct influence on the other kingdoms of Europe. This wide-spread influence is a very marked feature of the present commotion, by which it is conspicuously distinguished from mere provincial or national movements. The countries pervaded by it are distinguished from each other by races, laws, languages, principles, and habits; yet are they all at the same time in a state of unwonted commotion.

Again, it is not a mere contest between rival dynasties, a struggle between the adherents of contending chieftains. The movement is not occasioned by any question about the claims to power and sovereignty of the house of Bourbon, or Hapsburg, or Brandenburg. Nor is it the mere outburst of the downtrodden multitude, as was the case, in a great measure, in the first French Revolution. Then the oppressed, driven to despair, no longer able to endure the heavy burdens imposed on them, collecting their remaining strength, made a desperate effort to burst the galling yoke, and throw off the heavy incubus of tyranny.

The present movement not only pervades the European populations, but is apparently participated in by all classes in the different communities. It is not a movement of workmen only, or burghers, or nobles, or soldiers; but embraces all these classes. Moreover, the great aim of the movement seems to be to re-adjust the governments and institutions of the different countries, and to adapt them to the present state of intelligence, freedom, distribution of property, and commercial enterprise. Europe has reached a new era in her history: the era of enfranchisement, the overthrow of effete oligarchies and despotisms, the expiry of feudalism and serfdom. The people of Europe have outgrown existing institutions, and feel them to be only a restraint and oppression, under which their movements are cramped and

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