very evident that Louis Philippe was wishful to forget the principles of popular liberty on which he was raised to the throne. His accession had been a hurried affair, precipitated by the fear of the Bourbons on the one hand, and by terror of anarchy on the other; and, even if he were not deliberately imposing on the people when he promised that his government should be a republican monarchy, or a monarchy surrounded by republican institutions, the excitement of the occasion, the flurry arising from the necessity of immediate decision, did not afford him time to test calmly the sincerity of his purpose. It was not long accordingly till he found the charter, plainly and honestly interpreted, a cumbrance on his movements; and though he took care to avoid the insolent bluster about royal prerogative, which had hastened the downfal of his predecessor, he sought in his own way the aggrandizement of the monarchy at the expense of the rights of the republic. By intermarriages with six different reigning houses since the date of his accession, he contrived to create in behalf of his family an interest on the part of so many of the old established monarchies, sufficient to make them willing to forget the stigma of usurpation which, in the eyes of legitimacy, must for a time have rested on his reign; and thus, also, he seemed to increase in the minds of the people, that mysterious fear of prerogative which, as an easier instrument than a fickle nationality, he desired to make more use of in his government. His ready allies at home and abroad were the Jesuits-men of his own stamp, perfidious, stealthy, ambitious, the sworn enemies of popular freedom; and as a specimen of the pay they obtained for their services, the wreck of the Protestant missions in Tahiti, and the persecution of the Baptists in Normandy, will long be memorable. They did not, indeed, get all they asked. Their heart was set on the control of education in France; but Louis Philippe, though he could use them for his own ends, knew them too well to intrust them with this power, which they might soon have used against himself; or he dared not rouse so far the indignation of the people, as the concession of this demand would have roused it, and so the educational project did not succeed. The usual troubles of despotism beginning to gather around him, he could no longer trust to the working of the charter with a body of free electors; and to maintain his tottering position with the appearance of popular liberty, he had recourse through his ministry (and he was always his own prime minister, whoever else might have the name), to gross corruption in the disposal of government patronage-some flagrant instances of which

were publicly brought home to Guizot. From this and other causes disaffection had begun to prevail among the people, and got mouth at certain political dinners, at which the necessity of electoral reform was strongly urged. The ministry deemed it necessary to suppress these dinners. The reform members agreed to hold a banquet on the 22d February, not in a public hotel, which the law prohibited, but in the house of a private gentleman, one of their number. The ministry, by a majority, agreed that the prohibition should be extended to prevent this meeting by force if necessary. The banquet was abandoned, and public announcement made on Monday the 21st, that it would not be held. The king, however, not satisfied with this apparent submission, resolved to bring out his strong argument against the reformers, and this he did in the shape of 100,000 troops suddenly concentrated on Paris, to occupy the fortifications, the use of which in this way had not, it seems, been previously suspected. The presence of the troops roused the combative spirit of the people, and on Tuesday morning the streets were perambulated by bands of young men singing the revolutionary airs which had formerly stirred the blood of France. In the chambers the reform members showed that the abandonment of the banquet was no surrender of hostility against the administration, for they laid on the table an impeachment of ministers. Meantime the mob without had begun to collect arms and throw up barriers against the advance of the military; and if the gathering night might have cooled the popular zeal, this was prevented by an encounter with the soldiers, in which blood was shed. night, therefore, only served to muster the revolutionary strength. Ere the morning new barricades were erected, and greater numbers of the people armed. The national guard, partly from sympathy in the movement, and partly, no doubt, from pride at not being called to act sooner, refused to fight against their countrymen. The regular soldiers being ordered to disarm the guard, the two parties crossed bayonets; but a word was enough to infect the regu· lars with the popular feeling, and next they are lost to the defence of the king. This was the turning-point of the conflict. Where, now, could the king turn? The main shaft was broken, and, in an instant, the motion of the whole elaborate machinery is arrested. The chambers being met, Guizot announces the resignation of the ministry, but it is too late.

The

Count Molé, the first stage from Guizot, in the direction of concession to the popular will, attempts to form a ministry, and fails. Members of the reform party are sent for by the king, that they may undertake

the same task; but even this concession is not enough. Next morning, the 24th, the insurrection is found to have increased in strength. The mob assembling round the palace, King Louis abdicates in favour of his grandson, Count de Paris, and escapes from the capital; but, meanwhile, the work of destruction going on, proves that not the monarch simply but monarchy itself is the object of hostility. The appearance of the orphan count, a child of ten years old, and his widowed mother, are now, as the last die in the hand of the monarchists, presented before the Chamber of Deputies; but if the deputies would yield to the impulse of pity, the presence and threatening vociferation of a crowd which had forced itself into their assembly, render this last throw as useless as the rest. The prince and his mother, glad to escape, follow the rest of the family into exile, and a provisional government is named, with the view of appealing to universal suffrage for the formation of a republic. Already the provisional government has been acknowledged by Britain and the principal European powers; men of all parties, even the hottest royalists, are flocking to give in their adhesion; France, in all her communes and divisions, has submitted with expressions of liveliest congratulation; and now the brief and brilliant career of the Orleans dynasty has passed away "like a tale that is told."

There is much in this revolution that is full of hope; yet the utter want of religious principle in the whole movement, and of religious profession on the part of its leaders, is a grievous drawback to our satisfaction. 'No connection between church and state' was one of the popular cries after the abdication; and there is good reason to believe that the principle will be recognised and acted on in the new constitution. It may seem as if the voluntary principle were not likely to gain much credit by being carried into practice in circumstances so unfavourable to spiritual religion as those which now obtain in France; yet it is hardly possible to imagine a worse system than the venal and corrupting one that has been swept away. Mere exemption from Popery and Jesuistry is, as we see in the case of Lausanne, no guarantee for religious prosperity; but if there be any thing like religious equality in France, a plant so healthy can hardly fail in any circumstances to yield good fruit.

It is no small compliment to the freedom and generosity of British Protestantism, that the unfortunate exiles of France seek a shelter on our shores in preference to any country professing their own Romish faith. Let us be duly thankful for the order and security which, with other blessings, are bound up with our privileges as Protestants.

REFORM IN ITALIAN AND GERMANIC STATES.

THE anxiety of Romanists to grasp at dominion at a distance from the seat of Papal authority, is partly to be accounted for by the fact, that they feel their power slipping out of their hands at home. In most of the Italian states the cry for reform had been loudly raised, and in several of them its demands had been to some extent con-: ceded, ere the news of the commotions at Paris had reached the multitudes; and the intelligence, as might be supposed, has given a new impetus to the liberal movement. The Pope himself, finding it in vain to attempt staving off the claims of the reformers, by alleging that he was bound by oath to transmit the prerogative of the popedom entire to the pontiff who might succeed him, wisely discovered that his vow to that effect required that he should not, by his obstinacy in refusing a moderate reform, run the risk of forfeiting altogether the patrimony of St Peter's succes

sor.

He has, accordingly, agreed to admit a secular element-a certain proportion of laymen-into the administration of the Roman states; and has promised that, within a few days, his people shall have a constitutional government. Naples, Sardinia, and Tuscany have each, also, had a constitution proclaimed: the first allowing no religious worship but that of Rome; the second tolerating other forms of worship, though establishing Popery as the national system: the third, Tuscany, establishing Romanism, yet not only tolerating other forms, but admitting persons to public offices in the state without regard to their religious profession. In Piedmont, a militia has been conceded; and this is justly reckoned an element and instrument of reform.

The states of Germany have not escaped the heaving of the earthquake. At Vienna a constitution was talked of; and the people having held meetings on the subject, the troops fired on a procession of students. At this the multitude, rising in arms, compelled the resignation of the ministers who gave the order; and, it is said, have had all their demands granted by the emperor. In the streets of Berlin, blood has flowed three several times, and the middling classes have joined the students in demanding a Prussian reform. Serious disorders have taken place at Hesse Cassel; and the elector has yielded to the popular claims. At Gotha proclamation is made of equal civil rights to all classes; while a representative government has been conceded, and the freedom of the press secured. At Baden, an end has been proclaimed to the feudal rights under which the majority of the people groaned. In Saxony the Council of Leipsig demands

reform and a constitutional government. At Hamburg and Frankfort, the restraints on the press have been removed. All these changes taking place in so many quarters at the same time, and being effected for the most part without bloodshed, betoken at state of enlightenment, and the presence of a peaceful and orderly spirit, full of hope for Europe and the world. We cannot expect that unmixed good will follow where there is so much ground to believe that the agencies at work know nothing or next to nothing of the influence of true religion; yet we hope, and are persuaded, that in the progress of justice and liberty indicated by the events we have mentioned, a great door and effectual will be opened for the advance of the truth that makes wise unto salvation. At a former period, when the extension of the French empire under Napoleon, led in most of the European states to the suspension of those intolerant laws which hinder the operations of evangelical missions, too little advantage was taken of the opportunity by Evangelical Christians in Great Britain. May we be more watchful and diligent when the favourable occasion shall recur!

SYMPATHETIC RIOTS.

FREQUENT though Paris revolutions have been, they are still too rare for the lovers of riot, confusion, and plunder within the boundaries of the British islands to allow them to pass without some attempt to turn them to account. The stagnation of trade in all our chief commercial towns, and the consequent multitude of unemployed labourers and other operatives, afforded material on which the flame of the new French revolution was ready enough to catch; and the thieves and scoundrels, who abound in every crowded population, are eager enough to fan into a flame any spark of insurrection lighting upon such fuel. In various quarters, accordingly, attempts have been made to excite tumult with the view of covering the designs of rapacious burglars and mischievous idlers. Glasgow, in consequence of the crowds which had been assembling for some days before to hear the result of negotiations going forward between its unemployed workmen and the public authorities in order to their relief,happened (7th March) to be the first scene of such disturbance; and the magistrates having received no note of warning, the confusion prevailed, and increased for some hours without means being taken to suppress it. In that city, therefore, it needed stronger measures to preserve the peace than it subsequently did in other places; and we regret to say that three lives were

lost by the firing of the military, one of the persons killed, a highly estimable man who had been zealous in the maintenance of order. In Edinburgh, London, Manchester, and other towns, disturbances of a similar character soon followed; but the example of Glasgow having acted as a warning, the authorities were on their guard, and prompt measures being taken, the mob did not gather force enough for a regular insurrection. On the whole, the attempts of the evil-disposed in the present crisis, must have tended to confirm rather than shake confidence in public order, as far as this country is concerned. The fact announced to the Glasgow magistrates by the heads of several great manufacturing concerns, that their workmen (in one case-that of a celebrated machinery house-to the extent of 1000 mechanics and labourers) were ready to be sworn in as constables for the maintenance of the peace, proves that the materials of a revolution like that of Paris do not yet exist in our favoured land.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND NON-INTRUSIONISTS.

THE Tractarians having made nothing by litigation, in the matter of influencing the appointment of bishops, have intimated that legislation, or at least an attempt at it, will be their next move. To avoid all risk of such unseemly proceedings as have recently taken place in Bow Church and the chapter house at Hereford, her Majesty's ministers propose to pass a law clearing up, beyond the possibility of question, the rights of the crown, as defined in the decision of the law courts in the case of Bishop Hampden. The defeated party, through the Bishop of Exeter, has threatened to meet this measure by a proposal curtailing the rights of the crown, and giving the final prerogative in such disputed cases to some ecclesiastical court. How the matter will issue, in the present temper of the legislature and the nation, it is easy to foretel. The tide of fortune with English Tractarianism is now past its flood, and any new legislation will be towards a different point. May the lesson tell not only on the Oxford party, but on churchmen in general! It is right certainly, and quite accordant with Scripture, that every church should choose its own rulers. But if the English Church will receive nobody for a bishop but one who devours so many thousands a-year of the public money, and has a seat presently or prospectively in the legislature of the kingdom, she must content herself with such men as are presented to her by the authorities who manage the public funds and nominate the peers of the realm. If the queen has no right to say who shall be the church's bishops (though, as the recognised

UNIVERSITY TESTS.

BETTER let part of the cargo be tossed overboard than lose the whole by sinking the vessel. On this maxim the Established Church of Scotland seems almost prepared to act in the matter of university tests. The flagrant injustice of the existing restrictions, which would reserve for a mere sect, and that a dwindling minority of the people of Scotland, the influence and emoluments belonging to the national seats of learning, is too palpable to allow in any sane mind the slightest hope that it will be permitted to continue. A measure is accordingly in progress for opening up to the nation some of the professorships in the Scottish universities; and we have no doubt, that, with the view of rendering the residue more secure to the church, the measure will obtain, though with a becoming show of reluctance, the consent of the Establishment party. In the Town-Council of Edinburgh, which for some time back has been fight ing a noble battle on this question, as connected with the Hebrew chair, the Lord Provost has signified that a bill is about to be introduced to parliament in reference to university tests; and nobody will imagine that her Majesty's ministers, or any other party, would seriously think of legislating on the subject without the intention of liberalizing the present regulations. Neither can we doubt the success of any such measure. The chief question will now be, to what extent the reform is to be carried; whether all the offices, from the principality downward, and inclusive of the theological faculty, are to be thrown open, or a reservation made in favour of the theological chairs, including Hebrew; and whether every religious test is to be abandoned, or only such as would exclude Episcopalians and Free Churchmen, and other Presbyterian dissenters? We trust the country

will be content with nothing short of entire abolition of restrictions founded on religious creed. We should be ashamed of ourselves were we pleading merely for those who, like ourselves, are willing to subscribe the Westminster Confession, though refusing to own the formula of the Established Church; and while we hold it to be unjust that the established party should have an exclusive right to national money for teaching surgery and mathematics, we are equally, or still more, persuaded of the impropriety of their receiving national money for teaching religion.

FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES OF THE GOVERN

MENT.

Ir is long since the aspect of this country's affairs seemed to us more perplexing, not to say more portentous, than it does at the present hour. A change of policy in one form or other seems inevitable, and, unable to predict what that will be, we can only trust that, from the tendency of the current elsewhere, the change will not be in the direction of a narrower and more burdensome system. Her Majesty's ministers have reported an increased balance on the debit side of the national accounts, arising partly from a deficiency of last year's revenue as compared with the estimates; and partly from an excess of expenditure, of which excess £1,150,000 is set to account of the Caffre war, while nearly a quarter of a million stands for unexpected outlay on the navy. Besides requiring an increase in the usual vote of supplies to meet this deficiency, they ask a separate vote of £150,000, a new item to form the foundation of a militia force; and, to raise the means, they propose to augment the income tax from sevenpence to one shilling in the pound. The opening of this budget has been met by such a storm of opposition, both in the House of Commons and in the country, that ministers, apparently without knowing of any other plan to offer as a substitute, have fairly abandoned their proposal regarding the income tax: and though an amendment by Mr Hume, that the renewal of the income tax, even at the existing rate, should be limited to one year instead of three, has been lost by a majority of 363 to 138, it is doubtful whether a majority of the House will unite on any scheme to raise the required additional amount. There is some slight hope, therefore, that ministers will have to attempt squaring their accounts, by operating on the other side of the balance sheetretrenching till the outlay meet the income. Though certainly no real disgrace could attach to Lord John Russell's administration, for seeking to carry out the principles of

economy and retrenchment, on the profession of which they were borne into power, it is perhaps too much to expect that they will forfeit by such an attempt the support of the moderate Tories, to whose toleration they owe their continuance in office. That their position in the country has been rendered still less secure by this unfortunate budget, is beyond all doubt. To perpetuate, after its legal expiry--as if there were not one original idea in their head--an impost which had been introduced by their rivals only as a temporary expedient: to propose an increase of this tax, as if the utmost stretch of their ability were that of the boy at school, who sits down and copies, on a large scale, the designs of his master: to perpetuate and aggravate thus a measure which they loudly denounced when propounded by their predecessors in office-display a degree of incompetency, and, to use no harsher word, inconsistency, which it will be a dark day for Britain when any ministry can exhibit, without some loss, both of public respect and public influence. The present difficulties of the cabinet will prove a blessing to the nation if they lead, as they promised to do, to an entire revision of the system according to which the public treasure is supplied and expended. The distribution of the public burdens is grossly unequal-the class who make the laws having taken care, as much as possible, to shift the taxes to the shoulders of others. The exemptions and modifications in favour of fixed property, in the case of legacy duty and income tax, as they press upon the rights of industry, are peculiarly hurtful to the interests of a commercial and manufacturing country like our own. The millions a-year expended on the maintenance of bishops and clergy, the ministers of a minority of the people, together with the money wasted on the support of an unnecessarily large army, point to the chief elements out of which the minister who would rule the British empire with success must form his financial system.

TERMINATION OF THE CAFFRE WAR. THE unconditional surrender of Pato and his brother to Colonel Somerset, the leader of the British military sent out in pursuit of the fugitive chiefs, has brought to a close this discreditable border warfare. As usual in such feuds between natives and European colonists, the aboriginal nation finds that its patriotic struggles have been followed by no other result than loss of life and loss of territory. Any termination, however, was more to be desired than. the continuation of hostilities so disastrous to the best interests of the people, and to the operations of Christian missionaries labouring among

them; and we heartily rejoice that such an issue, following so soon after the arrival of Sir Harry Smith, the new governor of the Cape colony, has so well justified the hopes entertained concerning his administration. A great meeting was held at King William's Town, 23d December, between the British authorities and the Gaika chiefs, with their followers, to the number of about 2000, when, after various highly significant ceremonies suited to the rude ideas of the Caffres, hostilities were declared to be at an end. A Gazette extraordinary, published at Graham's Town on Christmas day, contains a series of proclamations respecting the new territory ceded to the British crown in consequence of the meeting, and detailing regulations to be observed in the future government of the extended colony. The first of the newly ceded territories, to be called Victoria, consists of a number of military villages between the Fish and Keiskama rivers. The second, to be called British Caffraria, reaching from the Keiskama to the Kei, is to be held under the British crown by Caffre chiefs, and subject to such regulations as her Majesty's representative "shall deem best calculated to promote their civilization, conversion to Christianity, and general enlightenment." Judging from the past history of British administration in colonial affairs, we have too much ground to fear that the clause, "conversion to Christianity," is the point of the wedge by which a system of tithes, church reserves, or other burdensome pertinents of a pampered Episcopacy, will one day be attempted to be thrust on the Caffrarian colony. English churchmen can scent such prey from afar, and it would not surprise us to hear that the question-" Who is to be the Bishop of Caffraria?" has already been mooted to Lord Grey, by some needy clerical expectant of the Whigs

ENGLISH HOLY ORDERS-A BONDAGE FOR LIFE.

Ir an exception establishes the rule, it is becoming more and more clear that Britain is a land of freedom. In this free country, there is one class of men sold to perpetual bondage, and that is the clergy of the English Episcopal Church. To get rid of the odious presence of Horne Tooke, Parliament decreed, nearly fifty years ago, that individuals in holy orders should not be permitted to sit in the House of Commons; and as a man once invested with such "orders," cannot be divested till some ecclesiastical tribunal, after due trial, have found him guilty of some scandal of the "grosser sort," the clergyman must either commit some shameful wickedness, or content himself to be stripped for life of the