assent of our parliament concerning other points of the union, we were pleased our said parliament should, amongst the rest, take also the same into their consideration. But finding by the grave opinion of our judges, who are the interpreters of our laws, that, in case that alteration of stile, which seemed to us but verbal, should be established and enacted by parliament, it might involve, by implication and consequence, not only a more present alteration, but also a further innovation than we any ways intended; or at least might be subject to some colourable scruple of such a perilous construction: we rested well satisfied to respite the same, as to require it by act of parliament. But being still resolved and fixed that it may conduce towards this happy end of the better uniting of the nations, we have thought good by the advice of our council to take the same upon us by our proclamation, being a course safe and free from any of the perils or scruples aforesaid. And therefore we do by these presents publish, proclaim, and assume to ourselves from henceforth, according to our undoubted right, the stile and title of King of Great Britany, France, and Ireland, and otherwise as followeth in our stile formerly used. And we do hereby straitly charge and command our chancellor, and all such as have the custody of any of our seals; and all other our officers and subjects whatsoever, to whom it may in any wise appertain, that from henceforth in all commissions, patents, writs, processes, grants, records, instruments, impressions, sermons, and all other writings and speeches whatsoever, wherein our stile is used to be set forth or recited, that our said stile, as is before by these presents declared and prescribed, be only used, and no other. And because we do but now declare that which in truth was before, our will and pleasure is, that in the computation of our reign, as to all writings or instruments hereafter to be made, the same computation be taken and made, as if we had taken upon us the stile aforesaid immediately after the decease of our late dear sister. And we do notify to all our subjects, that if any person, of what degree or condition soever he be,

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shall impugn our said stile, or derogate and detract from the same by any arguments, speeches, words, or otherwise; we shall proceed against him, as against an offender against our crown and dignity, and a disturber of the quiet and peace of our kingdom, according to the utmost severity of our laws in that behalf. Nevertheless, our meaning is not, that where in any writ, pleading, or other record, writing, instrument of speech, it hath been used for mention to be made of England or the realm of England, or any other word or words derived from the same, and not of our whole and entire stile and title; that therein any alteration at all be used by pretext of this our proclamation, which we intend to take place only where our whole stile shall be recited, and not otherwise; and in the other cases the ancient form to be used and observed.

A

SPEECH

MADE BY

SIR FRANCIS BACON, KNIGHT,

CHOSEN BY THE COMMONS TO PRESENT

A PETITION TOUCHING PURVEYORS.

Delivered to his Majesty in the Withdrawing-chamber at Whitehall, in the Parliament held primo et secundo JACOBI, the first Session.

It is well known to your majesty, excellent king, that the emperors of Rome, for their better glory and ornament, did use in their titles the additions of the countries and nations where they had obtained victories; as Germanicus, Britannicus, and the like. But after all those names, as in the higher place, followed the name of Pater Patria, as the greatest name of all human honour immediately preceding that name of Augustus; whereby they took themselves to express some affinity that they had, in respect of their office, with divine honour. Your majesty might, with good reason, assume to yourself many of those other names; as Germanicus, Saxonicus, Britannicus, Francicus, Danicus, Gothicus, and others, as appertaining to you not by bloodshed, as they bare them, but by blood; your majesty's royal person being a noble confluence of streams and veins wherein the royal blood of many kingdoms of Europe are met and united. no name is more worthy of you, nor may more truly be ascribed unto you, than that name of father of your people, which you bear and express not in the formality of your stile, but in the real course of your government.

But

We ought not to say unto you as was said to Julius Cæsar, Quæ miremur, habemus; quæ laudemus, expectamus: that we have already wherefore to admire you, and that now we expect somewhat for which to commend you; for we may, without suspicion of flattery, acknowledge, that we have found in your majesty great cause, both of admiration and commendation. For great is the admiration, wherewith you have possessed us since this parliament began in those two causes wherein we have had access unto you, and heard your voice, that of the return of Sir Francis Goodwin, and that of the union; whereby it seemeth unto us, the one of these being so subtle a question of law; and the other so high a cause of estate, that as the Scripture saith ofthe wisest king, that his heart was as the sands of the sea; which though it be one of the largest and vastest bodies, yet it consisteth of the smallest motes and portions; so, I say, it appeareth unto us in these two examples, that God hath given your majesty a rare sufficiency, both to compass and fathom the greatest matters, and to discern the least. And for matter of praise and commendation, which chiefly belongeth to goodness, we cannot but with great thankfulness profess, that your majesty, within the circle of one year of your reign, infra orbem anni vertentis, hath endeavoured to unite your Church, which was divided; to supply your nobility, which was diminished; and to ease your people in cases where they were burdened and oppressed.

In the last of these your high merits, that is, the ease and comfort of your people, doth fall out to be comprehended the message which I now bring unto your majesty, concerning the great grievance arising by the manifold abuses of purveyors, differing in some degree from most of the things wherein we deal and consult; for it is true, that the knights, citizens, and burgesses, in parliament assembled, are a representative body of your Commons and third estate; and in many matters, although we apply ourselves to perform the trust of those that chose us, yet it may be, we do speak much out of our own senses and discourses.

But in this grievance, being of that nature whereunto the poor people is most exposed, and men of quality less, we shall most humbly desire your majesty to conceive, that your majesty doth not hear our opinions or senses, but the very groans and complaints themselves of your Commons more truly and vively, than by representation. For there is no grievance in your kingdom so general, so continual, so sensible, and so bitter unto the common subject, as this whereof we now speak; wherein it may please your majesty to vouchsafe me leave, first, to set forth unto you the dutiful and respective carriage of our proceeding; next, the substance of our petition; and thirdly, some reasons and motives which in all humbleness we do offer to your majesty's royal consideration or commiseration; we assuring ourselves that never king reigned that had better notions of head, and motions of heart, for the good and comfort of his loving subjects.

For the first in the course of remedy which we desire, we pretend not, nor intend not, in any sort, to derogate from your majesty's prerogative, nor to touch, diminish, or question any of your majesty's regalities or rights. For we seek nothing but the reformation of abuses, and the execution of former laws whereunto we are born. And although it be no strange thing in parliament for new abuses to crave new remedies, yet nevertheless in these abuses, which if not in nature, yet in extremity and height of them, are most of them new, we content ourselves with the old laws: only we desire a confirmation and quickening of them in their execution; so far are we from any humour of innovation or encroachment.

As to the court of the green-cloth, ordained for the provision of your majesty's most honourable household, we hold it ancient, we hold it reverend. Other courts respect your politic person, but that respects your natural person. But yet, notwithstanding, most excellent king, to use that freedom which to subjects that pour out their griefs before so gracious a king, is allowable, we may very well alledge unto your majesty, a com