their joint efforts could not prevent the war, he sends him two recipes for preventing the mildew, which would be invaluable if they are found to answer.' My dear Sir, Edinburgh, July 20th, 1815. 'I had the pleasure of receiving yours. I rejoice exceedingly at the restoration of peace between the two countries. It was neither your fault nor mine, that a war, so unfortunate for both countries, was not prevented. I am now at Edinburgh, at a distance from all my papers, and can only request your acceptance of the trifles herewith inclosed, together with two receipts for preventing the mildew, which would be invaluable, if they are found to answer. 'Excuse a few hasty lines, and believe me with much esteem and regard, • Dr. George Logan.' • Yours, JOHN SINCLAIR. In the course of his communications with general Hamilton, the author made some inquiries about his political opinions. We request the reader's attention to the manly, dignified answers to these queries. The splendid abilities of general Hamilton were admitted on all hands, but his political sentiments and public services, became a subject of controversy between the adverse parties, which divided the community; on one hand he was eulogised as the consummate statesman, and the sound patriot; whilst on the other, he was charged with predilections to royalty, and political attachments hostile to republican institutions; his works best bespeak his transcendant talents, and general Washington bore testimony to his probity and patriotism. The entire confidence with which this gentleman treated me, licensed the most unreserved frankness, and one day in a desultory conversation, I inquired of him whether he knew he was considered by many, as the advocate of royal governments, and the decided friend of Great Britain? He replied, that those with whom he was associated in politics, and who understood him, would acquit him of these predilections; but that those who were of the opposite party, had, he understood, accused him of both; he said, that the part he took in the federal convention, had, he supposed, given rise to the first imputation, and his opposition to the public sympathies, for revolutionary France, to the last; that in the convention, he Vol. VI. No. 1. 14 had laboured to promote a system of government, which he believ ed best calculated to preserve the integrity of the union; for, that, from his reading and experience, he could not bring himself to believe a great empire could be protected by a thatched roof, against the storms and tempest to which all states are liable; and that, therefore, he was for vesting Congress with a qualified control over the state governments; to guard against caprice and contumacy, and to secure obedience to the national will. That his adversaries were inconsistent, inasmuch as they allowed him to possess discernment and knowledge, and yet charged him with a desire to introduce a monarchy, which every person, in the least acquainted with the genius and temper of the people of the United States, must know was absurd. That under the existing constitution, he could readily conceive a possible case, which might lead to a subversion of the general government, that was a coalition between Virginia and Massachusetts, to resist the measures of Congress; for, said he, it would be difficult to find a remedy for such an evil, originating with those powerful states. With respect to the other point, he said, it was not from an un friendly disposition to the French people, that he had opposed the public, sympathies, but it was to prevent the honest zeal of our own people, from hurrying them headlong into the arms of a nation, engaged in a contest, the end of which, no one could discern; that his sole object was to preserve the independence of the United States, by saving them from political engagements, which might prove dangerous to their future peace and prospe rity; and that in regard to Great Britain, although the policy he had advocated might indirectly favour her European views, it had been the effect of circumstances, in which his dispositions had no share; for that at the very time, his heart bled under the sense of the wrongs, offered by Great Britain to the United States, and he had no doubt the haughty spirit of that nation would involve us in a war with her in less than seven years; for which, it was his opinion, we should then begin to prepare; and it is a fact, that all his measures and deliberations took that direction.' p. 463-465. We conclude our numerous extracts with one more, containing some anecdotes of general Washington, which conclude the volume. During my intercourse with general Hamilton at New York in 1799, our official engagements produced frequent references to the opinion of general Washington, and I embraced the occasion, to obtain a more distinct view of the private character of that great man, than our military relations had permitted. There may be many living witnesses of the fact, that Sir Henry Clinton, whilst he commanded in New York, occupied the house of captain Kennedy, of the British navy, near the battery; and that there were no buildings at that time between it and the river. In these quarters the chief reposed in security with the ordinary guard in front, relying on naval protection for safety in his rear. General Washington had by his spies ascertained precisely the approaches, not only to Sir Henry's quarters, but to his bed-chamber, and the enterprise appeared so feasible, that he determined to carry him off. The arrangements were made for light whale boats with muffled oars, and 150 Marblehead seamen, properly commanded; every thing being ready, the detachment waited for the approach of night; in the interval colonel Hamilton took occasion to observe to the general, that there could be little doubt of the success of the enterprise, but,' said he, have you examined the consequences of it?' The general inquired in what respect? Why,' replied Hamilton, it has occurred to me that we shall rather lose than gain by removing Sir Henry Clinton from the command of the British army, because we perfectly understand his character, and by taking him off we only make way for some other, perhaps an abler officer, whose character and dispositions we may have to learn.' The general acknowledged these reflections had not occurred to him, but with noble frankness admitted their force, thanked colonel Hamilton for his suggestion, and the expedition was abandoned. I had heard of this incident, and making inquiry of general Hamilton relative to the fact, he gave the preceding details. 6 'On other occasions, when in conversation respecting this great man, general Hamilton observed, that it was difficult to decide, whether general Washington was greater in the field or in the cabinet; he said the world had very naturally decided in favour of his military capacity, but from the sum of his observations, he considered him at least equally sound as a statesman ; for whatever might have been the jealousies or the insinuations of party, it was no humiliation to him to acknowledge, that he had in council frequently differed in opinion with president Washington, and that events had generally proved that he was wrong and the President right. But he dwelt on a specific trait in general Washington's character, which it were devoutly to be wished his successors could imitate; this was, that in all pointments to office, wherein he was especially called to exercise his own judgment, he nobly divested himself of sympathy or antipathy, and made what he considered the fitness of the agent to the office the ground of his choice; as an evidence of the fact, he mentioned, that, Colonel Pickering, at the time he was appointed postmaster-general, was no favourite of president Washington, ap but that he knew the colonel to be a man of industry and method, and had confidence in his integrity; and as to myself,' said he, "there had been for some time such a standing or misunderstanding, between us, that I had no more expectation of office than I had of bein appointed Pope's nuncio, when I received the invitation to take charge of the treasury department.' That a coolness had taken place between the commander in chief and colonel Hamilton, towards the close of the war, and that the colonel had left his family, was notorious, but there were very few persons acquainted with the cause, which I shall now submit to my readers, as correctly as memory will serve me, and should I commit an errour, will refer to general St. Clair for correction, who is the only man living, within my knowledge, acquainted with the facts. 6 The army was encamped in New Jersey at some point east of the Rariton, and perhaps at Perackness. The general was just mounting his horse, to visit his advanced post, when he recollected a letter he had recently received from the British commander, which it occurred to him he might have occasion for whilst at the lines; he called colonel Hamilton, and requested him to hand the letter to him.' The colonel returned to the office, but not being able to place his hand on it, reported that 'it was mislaid.' The general replied, I must have it.' Search was again made without effect, and colonel Hamilton returning, repeated that the letter had been mislaid, and expressed his sorrow at not being able to find it.' The general rejoined with warmth, Sir. you shall find it.' Hamilton was astonished, but replied promptly, I shall find it, sir, but must let you know, that in addressing me, you do not speak to a menial.' The occasion was honourable to the parties; it was the quarrel of Sully and Henry; it furnished general Washington an occasion for the display of his magnanimity, and colonel Hamilton an opportunity to assert his personal dignity and independence of mind. Colonel Hamilton retired from head-quarters, but was appointed to the command of a battalion in the elite corps, at the head of which he stormed a redoubt during the siege of York before the surrender of Cornwallis.' p. 852-854. Before we take leave of this work, we must express our wishes that general Wilkinson would continue it; and in doing this, that he would forget the vexations and injustice of the present times, and give us all that he can recollect of the character and events of the revolution. He was brought into close contact with some of the most distinguished men of that era. Let him in another edition strike out in the first volume all that relates to Bladensburg and Canadian battles, and give the publick what relates to the revolutionary war; arrange the materials more regularly and continue it down to the close. In doing this he will give the publick a very interesting and useful work. ORIGINAL POETRY. Poem, delivered before the BK society of Harvard University, on their anniversary, August 28th, 1817. BY JOHN WARE, M. D. [A few introductory lines, and some other passages, which were spoken, are omitted in printing.] NOVELS on novels-shelves on shelves arise, And see! they mount the toilet of the fair, |