To the semblance, and only the semblance, of argument succeed imputation and calumny. Of this nature is the allegation, that the whole is but a contest for power. When churchmen object this to us as a matter of obloquy, they pass the sentence of their own condemnation. There is at least a modesty in aspiring only to a decent portion of power; but if Dissenters even meditated the monopoly of all the power of

the

served, that persecution differs from toleration, and that the persecution of the church of Rome differs from that of the church of England. If this great man should again employ his talents in this honourable cause, we would recommend it to him first to prove, that toleration of an innocent fellow-creature is the ultimatum of his just claims. Toleration from God is a grace and favour indeed, and which the proudest of us all has reason to be deeply thankful for. But for man to suppose, that it is enough to tolerate his fellow in the exercise of a common right, a right which he proudly assumes to himself in its utmost latitude; and that as the price of this indulgence he may cut his fellow off from the privileges of a citizen, while he can himself make no pretensions to knowledge, or wisdom, or innocence, or patriotism, or virtue, or piety above his fellow; is so gross

the state, which would be the consummation of criminal ambition, to this crime the members of the church of England must plead guilty. But there is neither truth nor honesty in the charge. If power be a dangerous instrument in the hands of Dis senters, we derive a power from much richer sources. Wisdom, character, industry, mercantile connexions, real and personal estate, a right to elect, and be elected to the seat of legislation, the freedom of speech and of debate, are the sources of a power, in com

a sacrifice to self, it is such an outrage on the equal rights of human nature, and such an ingratitude to the common Maker and Father of us all, as could only have been expected from the veriest bigot, in whom the habitude of partiality and injustice had gotten possession of his very understanding. It is the triumph of the Dissenters, that abilities of the highest form appeared to no advantage when opposed to their cause. The reply of the minister to Mr. Fox was as inferior in argument as in liberality. Indeed, where no argument can be found, understanding must be humbled; and it would have been wiser to have rested the cause, which he was pleased to patronise, on its proper ground of power, and to have condescended no other reply than sic volumus.

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parison of which, all the benefits that would result from the repeal of the Test Laws are as nothing. The argument from the danger of power in the hands of Protestant Dissenters, when applied to the operation of the Test Laws, is so weak and self-confuted, that we cannot conceive it to be seriously brought forward by any opponent of common understanding. All the accession to offices and trusts, which interest or favour can open to Dissenters, will be used by them, and nearly to its full extent, whether the Test Laws be repealed or no. How individual Dissenters reconcile to themselves the acceptance of offices under the condition of a Sacramental Test, must be left to their own hearts, and to the Searcher of hearts but as it is a fact, and will be a fact, it is sufficient to repel every argument of danger to the state, or to the church, from the repeal of the Test Laws. The repeal would make no alteration in the estimate of power. -But if the church really apprehend a danger from the possession of power in the

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hands of Dissenters, and think that this apprehension will excuse a departure from simple justice, the retaining of the Test Laws is but a childish provision against this danger; they abandon this principle where it ought to be applied, and act from it in a way which can in no degree operate to the remedy in view. They do just enough to irritate and to wound, they do nothing to prevent and to guard. They permit weapons of serious power to be in the possession of a supposed enemy, while they refuse to him a perfectly innocent gratification. To the pretended cry of danger from the permission of power in the hands of Protestant Dissenters, as it applies in so feeble a degree to the subject of the Test Laws, we may reply, in the language of Mr. Fox, that if the abettors of this cry be sincere, they are exceedingly timid; that is, they are frighted at the creature of their own imagination.

Equally weak is the cry of INNOVATION. Words without any rational meaning have always been the instrument of abuse, intolerance,

tolerance, and injustice. The cry of heresy has condemned thousands to the flames, whom posterity has pronounced to be the most deserving of men. Every thing which has had a beginning in the history of mankind was an innovation, and if this irrational interdict were to be admitted, the progress of truth, of science and of arts, of government, of law and commerce, of refinement, of happiness, and even of virtue and religion, must be prohibited, and man, without a remedy, must be committed to ignorance, to rudeness, to undisciplined passion, and to wretchedness. The terrour of innovation would have enjoined to our ancestors a perpetual abode in the comfortless wilds of Germany; or when transplanted to this better soil and climate, all the ferocious and savage manners, which they brought with them,must have been preserved. The terrour of innovation would have enjoined to half the world the fooleries, the indecencies, and the impieties of heathenism, and prohibited the emancipation from popery, which tram

pled