The conclusion here from the whole to a part, does not seem to be good logic. If the alphabet should say, let us all fight for the defence of the whole; that is equal, and may, therefore, be just. But if they should say, let A B C and D go out and fight for us, while we stay at home and sleep in whole skins; that is not equal, and therefore cannot be just.

Ib. The only course then left, is for the crown to employ upon emergent occasions the mariners bred up in the merchant's service.

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Employ." If you please.

The word signifies engaging a man to work for me, by offering him such wages as are sufficient to induce him to prefer my service. This is very different from compelling him to work on such terms as I think proper.

Ib. The mariner, when taken into the service of the crown only changeth masters for a time: his service and employment continue the very same, with this advantage, that the dangers of the sea and enemy are not so great in the service of the crown, as in that of the merchant.

These are false facts. His employments and service are not the same.-Under the merchant he goes in an unarmed vessel, not obliged to fight, but to transport merchandize, In the king's service he is obliged to fight, and to hazard all the dangers of battle. Sickness on board of king's ships is also more common and more mortal. The merchant's service too he can quit at the end of

the

the voyage; not the king's. Also, the merchant's

wages are much higher

Ib. I am very sensible of the hardship the sailor suffereth from an impress in some particular cases, especially if pressed homeward bound after a long voyage. But an impress on outward bound vessels would be attended with much greater inconvenience to the trade of the kingdom; and yet that too is sometimes necessary.

Here are two things put in comparison that are not comparable: viz. injury to seamen, and inconvenience to trade. Inconvenience to the whole trade of a nation will not justify injustice to a single seaman. If the trade would suffer without his service, it is able and ought to be willing to offer him such wages as may induce him to afford his service voluntarily.

Page 159.

The practice of pressing is one of the mischiefs war bringeth with it. But it is a maxim in law, and good policy too, that all private mischiefs must be borne with patience for preventing a national calamity.

Where is this maxim in law and good policy to be found? And how can that be a maxim which is not consistent with common sense? If the maxim had been, that private mischiefs, which prevent a national calamity, ought to be generously compensated by the nation, one might understand it but that such private mischiefs are only to be borne with patience, is absurd!

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Ib. The

Ib. The expedient of a voluntary register, which was attempted in king William's time, had no effect.

And some late schemes, I have seen appear to me more inconvenient to the mariner and more incon

sistent with the principles of liberty, than the practice of pressing; and, what is still worse, they are in my opinion totally impracticable.

Twenty ineffectual or inconvenient schemes will not justify one that is unjust.

Ib. Thus much I thought proper to say upon the foot of reason and public utility.

Your reasoning, indeed, like a lie, stands but upon one foot; truth upon two.

Page 160. Masters and mariners received full

wages.

Probably the same they had in the merchant's service.

Page 174. I readily admit that our impress is a restraint upon the natural liberty of those who are liable to it, but it must be admitted on the other band, that every restraint upon natural liberty is not, eo nomine, illegal, or at all inconsistent with the principles of civil liberty, &c.

When this author speaks of impressing, page 158, he diminishes the horror of the practice as much as possible, by presenting to the mind one sailor only suffering a "hardship" (as he tenderly calls it in some "particular cases" only; and he places against this private mischief the inconvenience to the trade of the kingdom.-But if, as he supposes is often the case, the sailor who is pressed,

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pressed, and obliged to serve for the defence of trade, at the rate of twenty-five shillings a month, could get three pounds fifteen shillings in the merchant's service, you take from him fifty shillings a month; and if you have 100,000 in your service, you rob this honest industrious part of society and their poor families of 250,000l. per month, or three millions a year, and at the same time oblige them to hazard their lives in fighting for the defence of your trade; to the defence of which all ought" "indeed to contribute (and sailors among the rest) in proportion to their profits by it but this three millions is more than their share, if they did not pay with their persons; but when you force that, methinks you should excuse the other.

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But it may be said, to give the king's seamen merchant's wages would cost the nation too much, and call for more taxes. The question then will amount to this: whether it be just in a community, that the richer part should compel the poorer to fight in defence of them and their properties, for such wages as they think fit to allow, and punish them if they refuse? Our author tells us

that it is legal." I have not law enough to is?** dispute his authorities, but I cannot persuade myself that it is equitable. I will, however, own "for the present, that it may be lawful when necessary; but then I contend that it may be used so as to produce the same good effects the public

security without doing so much intolerables in

justice

"

?

justice as attends the impressing common seamen. In order to be better understood I would premise two things: First, that voluntary seamen may be had for the service, if they were sufficiently paid. The proof is, that to serve in the same ship, and incur the same dangers, you have no occasion to impress captains, lieutenants, second lieutenants, midshipmen, pursers, nor many other officers. Why, but that the profits of their places, or the emoluments expected, are sufficient inducements? The business then is, to find money, by impressing, sufficient to make the sailors all volunteers, as well as their officers; and this without any fresh burthen upon trade.-The second of my premises is, that twenty-five shillings a month, with his share of the salt beef, pork, and pease-pudding, being found sufficient for the subsistence of a hard-working seaman, it will certainly be so for a sedentary scholar or gentleman. I would then propose to form a treasury, out of which encouragements to seamen should be paid. To fill this treasury, I would impress a number of civil officers who at present have great salaries, oblige them to serve in their respective offices for twenty-five shillings a month with their shares of mess provisions, and throw the rest of their salaries into the seamen's treasury. If such a press-warrant were given me to execute, the first I would press should be a Recorder of Bristol, or a Mr. Justice Foster, because I might have need of his edifying example, to show how

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