cling to it; that they would throw off the yoke, which indeed is now merely nominal, and declare themselves independent. Another objection to our interference, resting upon the same, grounds, may be taken notice of at the same time,-that we, should lose the prospect of a beneficial connexion with those settlements, by prematurely embroiling ourselves with them, or, exciting and assisting the government at Cadiz to destroy their African trade. As far as regards Portugal, there may be some weight in objections of this kind; but what, we beg to be informed, are the mighty benefits we should sacrifice, either in possession or expectancy, even by a total annihilation of our intercourse with the only Spanish colonies that retain any considerable interest in the traffic? Cuba engrosses perhaps nine tenths of it, and grows an abundance of sugar and coffee; articles not very much wanted by us in the present state of things, and not very likely ever to be scarce and valuable. It grows, too, more and more of those commodities every year, and that entirely through the slave trade. The glut of them all over the world is more owing to Cuba, that is, to the slave trade carried on by Cuba, than to any other cause, as we formerly demonstrated. And may not our own planters reasonably enough complain, if, after putting a stop to their schemes in Trinidad, (the only one of our islands which could pretend to any interest in the trade), we do not use our utmost endeavours to prevent Cuba from obtaining a pernicious monopoly of the traffic which they have lost-a monopoly, not tending to make the produce scarce, but to increase the glut, already so ruinous to them?

As for Portugal, a rupture with her is not to be so light-, ly talked of; because undoubtedly her colonies afford a considerable market to our goods. But if we have gained absolutely nothing in return for all our exertions in her behalf, is it too much to expect, that when we ask a boon for humanity, we may be permitted to press our suit more strenuously than we should do, were it possible to ascribe our zeal to motives of interest? Against this doctrine at least, the present government. have no right to protest. They demanded of the Danes a sur-, render of their fleet; and burnt Copenhagen because it was refused. Far be it from us to cite such a precedent; but it must be a sufficient answer to all who approved of that transaction. The policy now recommended, if pushed to the utmost extent, would only go the length of justifying a seizure of all vessels engaged in gross violations of every principle of national justice and natural law. But the mere apprehension of this last resort would inevitably gain the point with the government of the Brazils.

We cannot help thinking, that the ease with which people in this country reconcile themselves to allowing the enormities of the African trade to be carried on, resembles in no small degree the deception which some atrocious criminals practise on themselves, when they avoid an actual concern in acts of cruelty, and are averse to seeing, with their own eyes, the sufferings they inflict. A murderer who is present, and assists in every thing but the actual stroke-or an assassin who kills by poison, that he may not be afterwards haunted with the recollection of the slaughter-so much more intolerable, because so much stronger and more definite than the liveliest pictures of a disturbed imagination-escape, by these subterfuges, from a good deal of real misery; and, because their consciences are somewhat less severely tormented, they vainly suppose their guilt has been lighter. Somewhat akin to this, seems to be the delusion of those who, with the British navy at their orders, and the exploits of the army, and the drain of our treasure, to plead for them, stand by and know of, if they do not witness, the misery and distraction of the thousands yearly sacrificed to the infatuated avarice of the planters in Cuba and Brazil. Perhaps our language may be deemed too strong; and we are sorry that facts are within our reach wherewith to defend it. Grievous indeed it is to think that such scenes exist among civilized men, as that to which we are under the necessity of adverting; but doubly so, that our own countrymen should be so deeply concerned with the actors, as, we fear, there is but too much reason to suspect they were.

Three vessels have, in the course of last year, been captured on their voyage from Madagascar to the Isle of France, and brought to the Cape for adjudication in the Vice- Admiralty Court. We shall relate the circumstances of these captures, as being, in point of horror, not exceeded by any thing ever before brought to light respecting the slave trade. The first was the brig L'Eclair, under English colours; and she was captured in September 1811. It appears that she had been fitted out at the Isle of France since the conquest by the English, and had engaged in carrying slaves to that colony from Madagascar. When she was boarded by the officers who seized her, she appeared only to have a cargo of rice, bullocks, &c.; but, on examining somewhat more closely, it was found that all the floors were false, being made of moveable planks, beneath which were laid one hundred and twenty-six negroes, of all ages and both sexes, crammed into a space in which they could barely existwithout regard to sex, and with scarcely sufficient air to breathe, The seamen who discovered them (for it was by mere accident that they were discovered, so nicely contrived was the flooring,

and so closely packed the wretched cargo), were offered a bribe of two hundred dollars to conceal it; but they were so indignant at the shocking spectacle, that they instantly told their officer.

Amongst the many shocking circumstances of this infamous. traffic in the human race, there is one marked with a peculiar feature of cruelty, by which these traders in men, not content with the corporeal sufferings of their victims, appear to have stretched their ingenuity to torture so as to reach the apprehensive mind of their suffering animated merchandize. These poor beings were taught to expect that the English would, upon discovering them, kill or eat them their complaints, nay, almost their vital respirations, were thus caused to be suspended while the search after them in their concealed holds in the vessel was going on, lest by reaching the ears of the British seamen they should be discovered, and the punishment which their masters had told them would take place, would be the consequence.

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About five or six days after this, another male black, about the age of fourteen, was discovered concealed on board L'Eclair by a seaman belonging to the Astrea, who was sent to do some duty below. This boy was first bought at Madagascar by one of the crew of L'Eclair (and who was very active in attempting to hide him) for sixty-five dollars, and was brought up, as the owner of this boy says, for sale, and with the full knowledge and consent of the captain of L'Eclair. p. 76.

The brig Industry, also under English colours, was captured soon after the L'Eclair. She was about the size of a Margate hoy, or little bigger, her register burthen being only seventythree tons; yet were there crammed into her, besides a cargo of 5 or 600 bags of rice, and a crew of nineteen men, no less than two hundred and eight blacks. It is needless to remark, that this was almost twice as many as the slave carrying act allowed; and that they were crowded together, without any of the precautions there laid down, before the trade was wholly abolished. But human nature shudders at the thought of such complicated suffering as these miserable persons must have undergone during their confinement, while literally built into the floors and bulk-heads of the ship.

The third vessel was the President, which seems, at first, to have eluded the search; but, after a great deal of examination, two seamen employed, discovered a concealed place under the cables, but curved so as to escape detection. A bribe was now offered, as they were supposed to be on the scent; but they rejected it, and continued the search, when they found a plank not quite fixed; and, on opening it, they were led to a hole where nineteen male negroes and one female were concealed.

The cables were so stowed away with rice and wood, and a hide-stretcher under all, as to make it scarcely possible to get at the slaves, much less to suspect, on a careless inspection, that they were concealed there.

Here, then, we find three several vessels, within less than a week, engaged in this horrible traffic, at a settlement under the English government-with English troops, officers, placemen, a governor and secretary at the port to which the vessels were. bound. But the public functionaries were deceived by the slave traders? Alas! we cannot say so. Two of the vessels (Industry and L'Eclair) had on board a certificate of permission, or license to export, from Mr Rondeaux, the civil commissary at Madagascar; and one of these two, the Industry, by. far the worst case of the whole-we believe one of the worst that ever has occurred in the history of this accursed commercehad actually on board licenses from Mr Rondeaux, and Major Barry, chief secretary to the government in the Isle of France, for the importation of one hundred and sixty-two slaves!

It is devoutly to be wished that the government of the Isle of France may be able to explain this affair in a satisfactory manner. To us no possible mode of accounting for it occurs. If a British

governor and his secretary have been parties to so glaring a violation of the law, which they were bound by every exertion of. their authority to support and enforce, there can be but one, opinion as to the conduct fit to be pursued by the Government at home. Indeed, as the facts now stated must have come within the cognizance of the King's ministers, and as no step has been taken by them, it is possible that they may have received some satisfactory defence. We cannot believe that they could connive for an instant at such proceedings, unless the real state of the case is very different from that which now appears before the public.

It would be unjust not to add, that the conduct of Admiral Stopford and Captain Irby, the former upon the Madagascar station, the latter on the western coast of Africa, has been such as to entitle them to the warmest thanks of every person who feels interested in the execution of the Abolition laws; and this is undoubtedly stating their claim to the gratitude of all whose good opinion is worth having.

The facts which have been stated in the course of this article, suggest another train of observation, into which we have on former occasions entered ;-the infinite importance of a careful selection of public functionaries in those distant dominions of the Crown, where the law must either be a dead letter, or be faithfully enforced, according as the governors and judges are honest

and courageous in the performance of their duty. In these kingdoms, the character of the persons who fill high stations, is not nearly so decisive of the conduct they may pursue. They are under the perpetual control of public opinion; and they dare not, for any length of time, lean towards oppression or corruption. In the colonies, public opinion must be boldly resisted, for it means the interests and prejudices of a few hundreds, against the rights and happiness of thousands; nor can any man in authority honestly discharge his duty, who does not at once place himself between the unfortunate negro race and their oppressors. Is it to be conceived that they are the most likely to take this decided part, who, belonging to the body of the planters, are subject to all their prejudices, and participate in their interests? Nay, can a judge, for example, be viewed in any other light, than as a party in every cause wherein the conflicting rights and interests of the two colours are involved? While the rule too frequently followed in this country is transferred to the colonies, and men are promoted, not because they are suited to the offices, but because the offices are suited to them, we may make laws against oppression, until our statutebook is as heavy as the Roman code before Justinian's time,“multorum camelorum omus." The oppressor will be little affected by our legislation, and the victim will rather be mocked than relieved. The only effectual remedy must be sought for in the strict adherence to a rule once before suggested in these pages, and from which, we believe, almost every departure has been traced in its effects,-that no planter or colonial proprietor should ever, on any pretence, be named to a civil or military office, unless in the case of an officer whose regiment may be on service there. An addition to the salaries of some offices may be ne cessary, in order to induce persons unconnected with the settlements to remove thither; but we venture to assert, that no money was ever raised in this country for a more just and righteous purpose; and we trust that, even under all the difficulties of the times, no increase that could be imagined to our burthens, would be more cheerfully borne.

ART. IV. A Charge delivered to the Clergy of the Diocese of Lincoln, at the Triennal Visitation of that Diocese in May, June, and July, 1812. By George Tomline, D.D. F.R.S. Lord Bishop of Lincoln. London. Cadell & Co.

pp. 28.

4to.

Ir is a melancholy thing to see a man, clothed in seft raiment, lodged in a public palace, endowed with a rich portion of