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being neceffary to a Confcience void of Serm. 3. Offence towards Man, to be tender of rendring both, I'll begin with the firft.

By Publick Rights I mean the Rights of Prince and People; for that the People have Rights too as well as the Prince, is evident from Scripture, which by giving us this Definition of the Supream Magiftrate, That he is the Minister of God to us for good, Rom. 13. 4. does plainly teach us, that the good of the people, that is, the Maintenance and Protection of them in their juft Rights and Liberties, is the very End and Reason of Civil Government; and if this be fo, he perverts the Scripture who pretends Warrant from it to advance the Abfoluteness of the Monarch upon the Servi tude of the People, and to Sacrifice the Rights of the one to the Humour or Fancy of the other.

It is true, a People or Nation by their own Crimes or an unjuft Force may be reduced to the unhappy Neceffity of Re deeming their Lives by the lofs of their Fortunes and Liberties, and in fuch a cafe they muft ftand to those Pacts and Covenants they thus enter into. But whatever be the Condition of any other Nation, bleffed be God this is not ours; our Conftitution and Laws have fo ma

Vol. I. ny marks in them of a due Temperament of Power in the Prince, and Liberty in the People, as do fufficiently demonftrate that we are born Subjects, not Slaves.

And 'tis a vain Attempt here to pretend to evince a Voluntary Slavery from our Oaths and Laws; for who can be fo fuperftitiously ftupid, as not to difcern that Laws are not to be the Chains and Fetters, but the Guards and Fences of the People's Just Rights and Liberties; and that our Oaths muft never be interpreted to weaken and fubvert, but ftrengthen and preferve the National Conftitution.

I do not forget the Rights of the Prince, which must not be invaded neither, nor infringed by any Pretenfions of the People. But I fhall fay nothing of them now, not only to decline the Cenfures of Flattery, Temporizing, and Ambition, or whatever elfe Men would please to pass on me, for Difcourfes on this Argument never escape without running the Gauntlet through all fides and parties, but also because this has been abundantly done of late, to the filencing of all Objections raised against our Allegiance to their prefent Majefties.

But

But when all these kind of Objections Serm. 3. are answered, which in the mouths of moft Men, whatever they are (in fome few) are but fhams and pretences, there is another which penetrates deeper, and spreads much further; that is, The Impoverishment of the Nation by Taxes, even fuch as acknowledge this Revolution a Deliverance, and own it for a Bleffing, do yet seem to regret the Price of it, and begin to fear left they fhould pay too dear for it.

Now the Being of our Church and Nation, the Liberty and Peace of Europe, and the Prefervation of the Proteftant Religion depending fo much upon the Succefs of Their Majefties Undertakings, and this again upon the Chearfulness and good Affection of their English Subjects, I fhall not be thought, I hope, to pass my bounds, especially having a Text for it too, Tribute to whom Tribute is due, if I take upon me in a word or two to examine the Juftice of a Complaint, which tends fo much to alienate mens minds from their Majefties Perfons and Government, or very much to abate their Zeal for both. The taxes are heavy; suppose it: But would a Foreign Yoak, Popery, and Perfecution be lighter? Would the Oppreffion and Rapine of Arbitrary

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Vol. I. Arbitrary Luft be more eafie than Parliamentary and Legal Impofitions? Or would it be more Honourable or Tolerable to us to Sacrifice our Blood and Treasure to a lawless Fancy and Ambition, or in the Defence of our Laws and Liberty, Religion and Property? The Nation is Impoverished. Be it fo: But yet our Harvests are not reaped with the Swords of our Enemies; our Granaries, Barns, and Houses are not every where on a light fire; the Country is not laid defolate, nor our Cities in Rubbage and Afhes; our Wives and Daughters are not Ravifhed before our Eyes, our Children murdered, our Faith tortured, nor our own Blood fpilt promifcuously in the Fields and Lanes, High-ways and Streets: This is the Fortune of others, this is the State from which we redeem our Selves by the Payment of Taxes, But methinks I need not yet carry the matter fo high, lower Confiderations may yet ferve to fatisfie reasonable Men: 'Tis very ungrateful in us towards God, to forget fo foon thofe Times wherein we were willing to part with the one half of all that we had, for the Insurance of the other: And 'tis not over grateful to our Prince, that while in this Caufe, our own Caufe, he is Prodigal of his

Blood,

Blood, we should be niggardly and par-Serm. 3. fimonious of our Money, and murmur at the Charge of our own Safety.

But further yet, bleffed be God, while we complain of our Taxes we complain of our Plenty too, fuch is the af Aluence and abundance of all things there is no want of Bread or Cloth, I wish I could not fay our Pride and Vanity, our Intemperance and Riot proclaim us to have no great want of Money neither: But however this be, there is a ready Remedy, Frugality and Modefty would foon pay our Taxes; and if we fhould quit our Luxury to purchafe our Security, if we fhould facrifice our Pride and Vanity to the Defence of our Liberty and Religion, methinks this were no great damage to us.

I hope there cannot any be found fo fantastically fond of Change, fo tran fported by Discontent, or deftitute of Sense and the Love of their Native Country as to expect better Times under a French Conqueft: What, is not Arbitrary Government the fame thing it ever was? Is Popery grown lefs Bloody, or lefs Superftitious? Or his Bigottry grown mild and gracious by being irri tated and exafperated? What is it Men can expect from fuch a Revolution?

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Will