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In the message of Viscount Montacute, it was also contained, that he should crave the king's counsel and assistance, according to amity and good intelligence, upon a discovery of certain pernicious plots of the house of Guise, to annoy this realm by the way of Scotland: whereunto the king's answer was so dark and so cold, that nothing could be made of it, till he had made an exposition of it himself by effects, in the express restraint of munition to be carried out of the Low Countries, unto the siege of Leith; because our nation was to have supply thereof from thence. So as in all the negotiations that passed with that king, still her majesty received no satisfaction, but more and more suspicious and bad tokens of evil affection.

princes and states, do add great life and force, | embrace the offer of any foreigner, then would her both of assurance to the parties themselves, and majesty yield them some relief of money, or countenance and reputation to the world besides; permit some supply of forces to go over unto and have, for that cause, been commonly and them; to the end, to interrupt such violent resonecessarily used and practised. lution and still continued to meditate unto the king some just and honourable capitulations of grace and accord, such as whereby always should have been preserved unto him such interest and authority as he, in justice, could claim, or a prince moderately minded would seek to have. And this course she held interchangeably, seeking to mitigate the wrath of the king, and the despair of the countries, till such time as after the death of the Duke of Anjou, into whose hands, according to her majesty's prediction, but against her good liking, they had put themselves, the enemy pressing them, the United Provinces were received into her majesty's protection: which was after such time, as the King of Spain had discovered himself, not only an implacable ford to them, but also a professed enemy unto her majesty; having actually invaded Ireland, and designed the invasion of England. For it is to be noted, that the like offers, which were then made unto her majesty, had been made to her long before: but as long as her majesty conceived any hope, either of making their peace, or entertaining her own with Spain, she would never hearken thereunto. And yet now, even at last, her majesty retained a singular and evident proof to the world, of her justice and moderation, in that she refused the inheritance and sovereignty of those goodly provinces; which, by the states, with much instance, was pressed upon her; and being accepted, would have wrought greater contentment and satisfaction, both to her people and theirs, being countries for the site, wealth, commodity of traffic, affection to our nation, obedience of the subjects, well used, most convenient to have been annexed to the crown of England, and with all one charge, danger, and offence of Spain; only took upon her the defence and protection of their liberties; which liberties and privileges are of that nature, as they may justly esteem themselves but conditional subjects to the King of Spain, more justly than Arragon: and may make her majesty as justly esteem the ancient confederacies and treaties with Burgundy to be of force rather with the people and nation, than with the line of the duke; because it was never an absolute monarchy. So as, to sum up her majesty's proceedings in this great action, they have but this, that they have sought first, to restore them to Spain, then to keep them from strangers, and never to purchase them to herself.

Soon after, when upon that project, which was disclosed before the king had resolved to disanul the liberties and privileges unto his subjects of the Netherlands anciently belonging; and to establish amongst them a martial government, which the people, being very wealthy, and inhabiting towns very strong and defensible by fortifications both of nature and the hand, could not endure, there followed the defection and revolt of those countries. In which action, being the greatest of all those which have passed between Spain and England, the proceeding of her majesty hath been so just, and mingled with so many honourable regards, as nothing doth so much clear and acquit her majesty, not only from passion, but also from all dishonourable policy. For, first, at the beginning of the troubles, she did impart unto him faithful and sincere advice of the course that was to be taken for the quieting and appeasing them; and expressly forewarned both himself and such as were in principal charge in those countries, during the wars, of the danger like to ensue, if he held so heavy a hand over that people; lest they should cast themselves into the arms of a stranger. But finding the king's mind so exulcerated as he rejected all counsel that tended to mild and gracious proceeding, her majesty, nevertheless, gave not over her honourable resolution, which was, if it were possible, to reduce and reconcile those countries unto the obedience of their natural sovereign, the King of Spain; and if that might not be, yet to preserve them from alienating themselves to a foreign lord, as, namely, unto the French, with whom they much treated; and amongst whom the enterprise of Flanders was ever propounded as a mean to unite their own civil dissensions, but patiently temporizing, expected the good effect which time might breed. And whensoever the states grew into extremities of despair, and thereby ready to

But during all that time, the King of Spain. kept one tenor in his proceedings towards her majesty, breaking forth more and more into injuries and contempts: her subjects trading into Spain have been many of them burned; some cast into the galleys; others have died in prison, with

out any other crimes committed, but upon quarrels ticular conferences were set down concerning picked upon them for their religion here at home. this enterprise between Cardinal Riario, the pope's Her merchants, at the sack of Antwerp, were legate, and the king's deputy in Spain, touching divers of them spoiled and put to their ransoms, the general, the number of men, the contribution though they could not be charged with any par- of money, and the manner of the prosecuting of taking; neither, upon the complaint of Doctor the action, and by the confession of some of the Wilson and Sir Edward Horsey, could any redress chiefest of those that were taken prisoners at the be had. A general arrest was made by the Duke fort: which act being an act of apparent hostility, of Alva of Englishmen's both goods and persons, added unto all the injuries aforesaid, and accomupon pretence that certain ships, stayed in this panied with a continual receipt, comfort, and counrealm, laden with goods and money of certain tenance, by audiences, pensions, and employmerchants of Genoa, belonged to that king: which ments, which he gave to traitors and fugitives, money and goods was afterwards, to the uttermost both English and Irish; as Westmoreland, Paget, value, restored and paid back; whereas our men Englefield, Baltinglass, and numbers of others; were far from receiving the like justice on their did sufficiently justify and warrant that pursuit side. Dr. Man, her majesty's ambassador, re- of revenge, which, either in the spoil of Carthagena ceived, during his legation, sundry indignities; and San Domingo in the Indies, by Mr. Drake, or himself being removed out of Madrid, and lodged in the undertaking the protection of the Low in a village, as they are accustomed to use the Countries, when the Earl of Leicester was sent ambassadors of Moors: his son and steward over, afterwards followed. For before that time forced to assist at a mass with tapers in their her majesty, though she stood upon her guard in hands; besides sundry other contumelies and respect of the just cause of jealousy, which the reproaches. But the spoiling or damnifying of a sundry injuries of that king gave her; yet had merchant, vexation of a common subject, dishonour entered into no offensive action against him. For of an ambassador, were rather but demonstrations both the voluntary forces which Don Antonio of ill disposition, than effects, if they be compared had collected in this realm, were by express comwith actions of state, wherein he and his ministers mandment restrained, and offer was made of restihave sought the overthrow of this government. tution to the Spanish ambassador of such treasure As in the year 1569, when the rebellion in the as had been brought into this realm, upon proof north part of England brake forth; who but the that it had been taken by wrong; and the Duke Duke of Alva, then the king's lieutenant in the of Anjou was, as much as could stand with Low Countries, and Don Guerres of Espes, then the near treaty of a marriage which then was his ambassador lieger here, were discovered to be very forward between her majesty and the said chief instruments and practisers; having complot- duke, diverted from the enterprise of Flanders. ted with the Duke of Norfolk at the same time, as was proved at the same duke's condemnation, that an army of twenty thousand men should have landed at Harwich, in aid of that part, which the said duke had made within the realm, and the said duke having spent and employed one hundred and fifty thousand crowns in that preparation.

Not contented thus to have consorted and assisted her majesty's rebels in England, he procured a rebellion in Ireland; arming and sending thither in the year 1579 an arch-rebel of that country, James Fitz-Morrice, which before was fled. And, truly to speak, the whole course of molestation, which her majesty hath received in that realm by the rising and keeping on of the Irish, hath been nourished and fomented from Spain; but afterwards most apparently, in the year 1580, he invaded the same Ireland with Spanish forces, under an Italian colonel, by name San Josepho, being but the forerunners of a greater power: which by treaty between him and the pope should have followed, but that, by the speedy defeat of those former, they were discouraged to pursue the action: which invasion was proved to be done by the king's own orders, both by the letters of Secretary Escovedo and of Guerres to the king; and also by divers other letters, wherein the par

But to conclude this point: when that, some years after, the invasion and conquest of this land, intended long before, but through many crosses and impediments, which the King of Spain found in his plots, deferred, was in the year 1588 attempted; her majesty, not forgetting her own nature, was content at the same instant to treat of a peace; not ignorantly, as a prince that knew not in what forwardness his preparations were, for she had discovered them long before, nor fearfully, as may appear by the articles whereupon her majesty in that treaty stood, which were not the demands of a prince afraid; but only to spare the shedding of Christian blood, and to show her constant desire to make her reign renowned, rather by peace than victories: which peace was on her part treated sincerely, but on his part, as it should seem, was but an abuse; thinking thereby to have taken us more unprovided so that the Duke of Parma, not liking to be used as an instrument in such a case, in regard of his particular honour, would sometimes in treating interlace, that the king his master meant to make his peace with his sword in his hand. Let it then be tried, upon an indifferent view of the proceedings of England and Spain, who it is that fisheth in troubled waters, and hath disturbed the peace of

Christendom, and hath written and described all | had no other excellency; one that hath passed the his plots in blood.

There follow the articles of a universal peace, which the libeller, as a commissioner for the estate of England, hath propounded, and are these: First, that the King of Spain should recall such forces, as, of great compassion to the natural people of France, he hath sent thither to defend them against a relapsed Huguenot.

degrees of honour with great travel and long time, which quencheth always envy, except it be joined with extreme malice; then it appeareth manifestly to be but a brick wall at tennis, to make the defamation and hatred rebound from the counsellor upon the prince. And assuredly they be very simple to think to abuse the world with those shifts; since every child can tell the fable, that the wolf's malice was not to the shepherd, but to his dog. It is true, that these men have altered their tune twice or thrice: when the match was

Secondly, that he suffer his rebels of Holland and Zealand quietly to possess the places they hold, and to take unto them all the rest of the Low Countries also; conditionally, that the Eng-in treating with the Duke of Anjou, they spake lish may still keep the possession of such port towns as they have, and have some half a dozen more annexed unto them.

Thirdly, that the English rovers might peaceably go to his Indies, and there take away his treasure and his Indies also.

honey as to her majesty; all the gall was uttered against the Earl of Leicester: but when they had gotten heart upon expectation of the invasion, they changed style, and disclosed all the venom in the world immediately against her majesty: what new hope hath made them return to their Sinon's note, in teaching Troy how to save itself, I cannot tell. But in the mean time they do his

And these articles being accorded, he saith, might follow that peace which passeth all understanding, as he calleth it in a scurrile and pro- | lordship much honour: for the more despitefully fane mockery of the peace which Christians enjoy with God, by the atonement which is made by the blood of Christ, whereof the apostle saith that it passeth all understanding. But these his articles are sure mistaken, and indeed corrected are briefly these :

1. That the King of France be not impeached in reducing his rebels to obedience.

2. That the Netherlands be suffered to enjoy their ancient liberties and privileges, and so forces of strangers to be withdrawn, both English and Spanish.

3. That all nations may trade into the East and West Indies; yea, discover and occupy such parts as the Spaniard doth not actually possess, and are not under civil government, notwithstanding any donation of the pope.

V. Of the cunning of the libeller, in palliation of his malicious invectives against her majesty and the state, with pretence of taxing only the actions of the Lord Burleigh. I cannot rightly call this point cunning in the libeller, but rather good will to be cunning, without skill indeed of judgment: for finding that it hath been the usual and ready practice of seditious subjects to plant and bend their invectives and clamours, not against the sovereigns themselves, but against some such as had grace with them and authority under them, he put in ure his learning in a wrong and unproper case. For this hath some appearance to cover undutiful invectives, when it is used against favourites or new upstarts, and sudden-risen counsellors; but when it shall be practised against one that hath been counsellor before her majesty's time, and hath continued longer counsellor than any other counsellor in Europe; one that must needs have been great if it were but by surviving alone, though he

they inveigh against his lordship, the more reason hath her majesty to trust him, and the realm to honour him. It was wont to be a token of scarce a good liegeman when the enemy spoiled the country, and left any particular men's houses or fields unwasted.

VI. Certain true general notes upon the actions of the Lord Burleigh.

But above all the rest, it is a strange fancy in the libeller that he maketh his lordship to be the "primum mobile" in every action without distinction; that to him her majesty is accountant of her resolutions; that to him the Earl of Leicester and Mr. Secretary Walsingham, both men of great power, and of great wit and understanding, were but as instruments: whereas it is well known, that as to her majesty, there was never a counsellor of his lordship's long continuance that was so appliable to her majesty's princely resolutions; endeavouring always, after faithful propositions and remonstrances, and these in the best words, and the most grateful manner, to rest upon such conclusions, as her majesty in her own wisdom determineth, and them to execute to the best: so far hath he been from contestation, or drawing her majesty into any his own courses. And as for the forenamed counsellors and others, with whom his lordship had consorted in her majesty's service, it is rather true that his lordship, out of the greatness of his experience and wisdom, and out of the coldness of his nature, hath qualified generally all hard and extreme courses, as far as the service of her majesty, and the safety of the state, and the making himself compatible with those with whom he served, would permit: so far hath his lordship been from inciting others, or running a full course with them in that kind. But yet it is more strange

that this man should be so absurdly malicious, as he should charge his lordship, not only with all actions of state, but also with all the faults and vices of the times; as, if curiosity and emulation have bred some controversies in the church; though, thanks be to God, they extend but to outward things; as, if wealth, and the cunning of wits have brought forth multitudes of suits in law; as, if excess in pleasures, and in magnificence, joined with the unfaithfulness of servants, and the greediness of moneyed men, have decayed the patrimony of many noblemen, and others; that all these, and such like conditions of the time, should be put on his lordship's account; who hath been, as far as to his place appertaineth, a most religious and wise moderator in church matters to have unity kept; who with great justice hath despatched infinite causes in law that have orderly been brought before him: and for his own example, may say that which few men can say; but was sometimes said by Cephalus, the Athenian so much renowned in Plato's works; who having lived near to the age of a hundred years, and in continual affairs and business, was wont to say of himself; "That he never sued any, neither had been sued by any:" who by reason of his office hath preserved many great houses from overthrow, by relieving sundry extremities towards such as in their minority have been circumvented; and towards all such as his lordship might advise, did ever persuade sober and limited expense. Nay, to make proof farther of his contented manner of life, free from suits and covetousness; as he never sued any man, so did he never raise any rent, or put out any tenant of his own: nor ever gave consent to have the like done to any of the queen's tenants; matters singularly to be noted in this age.

any attainted of any treason, felony, or otherwise, that he never had, or sought any kind of benefit by any forfeiture to her majesty; that he was never a factious commender of men, as he that intended any ways to besiege her, by bringing in men at his devotion; but was ever a true reporter unto her majesty of every man's deserts and abilities; that he never took the course to unquiet or offend, no, nor exasperate her majesty, but to content her mind, and mitigate her displeasure; that he ever bare, himself reverently and without scandal in matters of religion, and without blemish in his private course of life. Let men, I say, without passionate malice, call to mind these things, and they will think it reason, that though he be not canonized for a saint in Rome, yet he is worthily celebrated as "pater patriæ" in England, and though he be libelled against by fugitives, yet he is prayed for by a multitude of good subjects; and, lastly, though he be envied whilst he liveth, yet he shall be deeply wanted when he is gone. And assuredly many princes have had many servants of trust, name, and sufficiency: but where there have been great parts, there hath often wanted temper of affection; where there have been both ability and moderation, there have wanted diligence and love of travail; where all three have been, there have sometimes wanted faith and sincerity; where some few have had all these four, yet they have wanted time and experience; but where there is a concurrence of all these, there is no marvel, though a prince of judgment be constant in the employment and trust of such a servant.

VII. Of divers particular untruths and abuses dispersed through the libel.

The order which this man keepeth in his libel, is such, as it may appear, that he meant but to empty some note-book of the matters of England, to bring in, whatsoever came of it, a number of idle jests, which he thought might fly abroad and intended nothing less than to clear the matters he handled by the light of order and distinct writing. Having, therefore, in the principal points, namely, the second, third, and fourth articles, ranged his scattering and wandering discourse into some order, such as may help the judgment of the reader, I am now content to gather up some of his by-matters and straggling untruths, and very briefly to censure them.

But, however, by this fellow, as in a false artificial glass, which is able to make the best face deformed, his lordship's doings being set forth; yet let his proceedings, which be indeed his own, be indifferently weighed and considered; and let men call to mind, that his lordship was never a violent and transported man in matters of state, but ever respective and moderate; that he was never man in his particular a breaker of necks; no heavy enemy, but ever placable and mild; that he was never a brewer of holy water in court; no dallier, no abuser, but ever real and certain; that he was never a bearing man, nor carrier of causes, but ever gave way to justice Page 9, he saith, That his lordship could and course of law; that he was never a glorious neither, by the greatness of his beads, creeping to wilful proud man, but ever civil and familiar, and the cross, nor exterior show of devotion before the good to deal withal; that in the course of his high altar, find his entrance into high dignity in service, he hath rather sustained the burden, than Queen Mary's time. All which is a mere fiction sought the fruition of honour or profit; scarcely at pleasure; for Queen Mary bare that respect sparing any time from his cares and travels to the unto him, in regard of his constant standing for sustentation of his health; that he never had, nor her title, as she desired to continue his service; sought to have for himself and his children, any the refusal thereof growing from his own part: pennyworth of lands or goods that appertained to he enjoyed nevertheless all other liberties and

Page 43, he saith, That his lordship, whom he calleth the arch-politic, hath fraudulently provided, that when any priest is arraigned, the indictment is enforced with many odious matters: wherein

favours of the time; save only that it was put into the queen's head that it was dangerous to permit him to go beyond the sea, because he had a great wit of action, and had served in so principal a place; which nevertheless after, with Cardinal, he showeth great ignorance, if it be not malice; Pool, he was suffered to do.

Page eadem" he saith, Sir Nicholas Bacon, that was lord keeper, was a man of exceedingly crafty wit; which showeth that this fellow in his slanders is no, good marksman, but throweth out his words of defaming without all level. For all the world noted Sir Nicholas Bacon to be a man plain, direct, and constant, without all finesse and doubleness; and one that was of the mind that a man in his private proceedings and estate, and in the proceedings of state, should rest upon the soundness and strength of his own courses, and not upon practice to circumvent others; according to the sentence of Solomon, "Vir prudens advertit ad gressus suos, stultus autem divertit ad dolos:" insomuch that the Bishop of Ross, a subtle and observing man, said of him, that he could fasten no words upon him, and that it was impossible to come within him, because he offered no play: and the queen-mother of France, a very politic princess, said of him, that he should have been of the council of Spain, because he despised the occurrents, and rested upon the first plot: so that if he were crafty, it is hard to say who is wise.

Page 10, he saith, That the Lord Burleigh, in the establishment of religion, in the beginning of the queen's time, prescribed a composition of his own invention; whereas the same form, not fully six years before, had been received in this realm in King Edward's time: so as his lordship being a Christian politic counsellor, thought it better to follow a precedent, than to innovate; and chose the precedent rather at home than abroad.

Page 41, he saith, That Catholics never attempted to murder any principal person of her majesty's court, as did Burchew, whom he calleth a puritan, in wounding of a gentleman instead of Sir Christopher Hatton; but by their great virtue, modesty, and patience, do manifest in themselves a far different spirit from the other sort. For Burchew, it is certain he was mad; as appeareth not only by his mad mistaking, but by the violence that he offered afterwards to his keeper, and most evidently by his behaviour at his execution: but of Catholics, I mean the traitorous sort of them, a man may say as Cato said sometimes of Cæsar, "eum ad evertendam rempublicam sobrium accessisse:" they came sober and well advised to their treasons and conspiracies; and commonly they look not so low as the counsellors, but have bent their murderous attempts immediately against her majesty's sacred person, which God have in his precious custody! as may appear by the conspiracy of Sommerville, Parry, Savage, the six, and others; nay, they have defended it in thesi," to be a lawful act.

for the law permitteth not the ancient forms of indictments to be altered; like as, in an action of trespass, although a man take away another's goods in the peaceablest manner in the world, yet the writ hath "quare vi et armis ;" and if a man enter upon another's ground, and do no more, the plaintiff mentioneth "quod herbam suam, ibidem crescentem, cum equis, bobus, porcis, et bidentibus, depastus sit, conculcavit et consumpsit." Neither is this any absurdity, for in the practice of all law, the formularies have been few and certain; and not varied according to every particular case. And in indictments also of treason, it is not so far fetched as in that of trespass; for the law ever presumeth in treason, an intention of subverting the state, and impeaching the majesty royal.

Page 45, and in other places, speaking of the persecuting of the Catholics, he still mentioneth bowellings and consuming men's entrails by fire; as if this were a torture newly devised: wherein he doth cautelously and maliciously suppress, that the law and custom of this land from all antiquity hath ordained, that punishment in case of treason, and permitteth no other. And a punishment surely it is, though of great terror, yet by reason of the quick despatching, of less torment far than either the wheel or forcipation, yea, than simple burning.

Page 48, he saith, England is confederate with the great Turk: wherein, if he mean it because the merchants have an agent in Constantinople, how will he answer for all the kings of France, since Francis the First, which were good Catholics? For the emperor? For the King of Spain himself? For the senate of Venice, and other states, that have had long time ambassadors liegers in that court? If he mean it because the Turk hath done some special honour to our ambassador, if he be so to be termed, we are beholden to the King of Spain for that: for that the honour, we have won upon him by opposition, hath given us reputation through the world: if he mean it because the Turk seemeth to affect us for the abolishing of images; let him consider then what a scandal the matter of images hath been in the church, as having been one of the principal branches whereby Mahometism entered.

Page 65, he saith, Cardinal Allen was of late very near to have been elected pope. Whereby he would put the Catholics here in some hope, that once within five or six years, for a pope commonly sitteth no longer, he may obtain that which he missed narrowly. This is a direct abuse, for it is certain in all the conclaves since Sixtus Quintus, who gave him his hat, he was

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