namely, the Duke of Grafton, Lord Rockingham, Mr. Conway, and Lord Egmont; the purport of which was to desire, that I would second the address at the meeting of parliament, Lord George Cavendish being intended for the mover of it; that having some acquaintance with me, he had taken this affair on himself to mention it. This induced me to inquire a little, what those in power intended towards answering the expectations of the people: :-"In the West India affairs, a hearty resolve to determine the question about the stamp act (1) in favour of the West Indies, and exactly (1) In the month of March 1764, the ministry had deemed it necessary to contemplate America as a source of future revenue, and a series of resolutions was brought into the House of Commons, for regulating the trade, and imposing duties on certain articles of American commerce. These resolutions formed the basis of a bill, which speedily passed through both houses, and received the royal assent on the 5th of April. At the time when the resolutions upon which this act was founded were brought forward in the House of Commons, Mr. Grenville also moved, "that towards defraying the expenses of defending, protecting, and securing the British colonies and plantations in America, it may be proper to charge certain stamp duties in the said colonies and plantations." While the yell of Indian carnage was yet in their ears, and the smoke of their ruined habitations before their eyes, the rage and despair of the Americans were further inflamed by the arrival of the British act of parliament for taxing them. Perceiving in it the first appearance of a general and extensive plan of taxation, they determined not to wait for the gradual exposure of the plan to combat it by parts, but to strike at once at the basis, by denying the right of the mother-country to impose taxes on the colonies; which, not being represented in parliament, did neither really nor virtually consent to the imposition. Petitions to the King, and memorials to parliament against the measure, were transmitted to England conformable to your ideas of it; and to pay a proper and just attention in matters relative to general warrants," &c. I told his Grace, that if the seconding by several of the principal assemblies, and the clamour and indignation against it were vehement. But Mr. Grenville was not thereby deterred from persevering in his system. In the February of this year, fifty-five resolutions of the committee of ways and means were agreed to by the House of Commons, and afterwards incorporated into an act of parliament, for laying nearly the same stamp duties on the colonies in America, as were payable in England; which act passed both Houses with little opposition, except from General Conway and Colonel Barré ; Mr. Pitt being at this time confined to his bed with indisposition, and totally unable to attend. "As to the fact of a strenuous opposition to the stamp act," says Mr. Burke, in his celebrated speech on American taxation, "I sat in your gallery when it was under consideration. Far from any thing inflammatory, I never heard a more languid debate in this house: no more than two or three gentlemen, as I remember, spoke against the act, and that with great reserve and remarkable temper. There was but one division in the whole progress of this bill; and the minority did not reach to more than thirty or forty. In the House of Lords, I do not recollect that there was any debate or division at all. I am sure there was no protest. In fact, the affair passed with so very, very little noise, that in town they scarcely knew the nature of what you were doing." When intelligence reached New York, that this act had received the royal assent, the feeling of indignation was universal and excessive. The act was reprinted with a death's-head affixed, instead of the royal arms, and hawked in the streets, under the title of "England's folly and America's ruin;" the guns at Philadelphia were spiked; at Boston, the colours of the shipping were hoisted half-mast high, and the church bells were muffled, and tolled a funeral knell. Associations were formed in all parts of America, for the encouragement of domestic manufactures, and against the use of those imported from Great Britain. To preclude the use of stamps, proceedings in the courts of justice were suspended. In the assembly of Virginia, such address was only a matter of form, I thought it would come better from a younger man, and of more distinction, than myself; that however, with his Grace's permission, I would consider of it, and would give my answer on Wednesday. His Grace concluded with saying, that the motive for desiring this of me, was to have the sanction of an independent man at their setting out. Now Sir, trifling as this point is in general, yet, in its consequence, it is very material to me; and therefore you will forgive my taking this advantage of the good-will you have expressed towards me, to beg your opinion, what is right to do. Firmly convinced of your abilities and integrity, I look up to you for the rule and conduct of my political life. Were you at the head of affairs, the pride of my heart would be to be known and distinguished as your devoted friend. On the other hand, as the ministry are now composed which happened to be then sitting, the subject was eagerly introduced; and one of its members, Patrick Henry*, after declaiming against the measures of the present reign, exclaimed, "Cæsar had his Brutus, Charles the First his Oliver Cromwell, and George the Third his "Upon which there was a cry of" treason!" and the speaker called him to order. In August, the storm burst with violence. Private houses and public offices were pillaged; and the proceedings were so alarming, as to occasion the resignation of those who were appointed to distribute the stamps. Such was the intelligence which reached England, a few days previous to the meeting of parliament. Patrick Henry, of Virginia, was a leading member of the American congress. "the forest-born Demosthenes, Whose thunder shook the Philip of the seas." I do not wish to take any part that has the appearance of connection, where you are not connected. Pray, Sir, give me one line of advice; I have not a wish of my own, and could very readily have given my negative, but chose first to communicate this to you, for whom I have long and ever shall retain the most perfect esteem; who am Your most faithful and most obliged humble servant, GEORGE COoke. I hope for the honour of an answer by the return of the post. MR. PITT TO GEORGE COOKE, ESQ. Bath, December 7, 1765. MY DEAR SIR, TRULY sensible of the many proofs of your kind friendship, I will venture to do, what I generally wish to avoid even when asked, that is, obey your commands in offering my advice to you upon the matters you propose. I confess it appears to me, that nothing would be less suited to your situation, or your opinions of men, than to be held out to the world as connected with the Duke of Newcastle; who, in my poor judgment, will render impossible any solid system for the settlement of this distracted country, as long as his Grace's influence predominates. What his Grace proposes to you is nothing but a little artifice, to hold out to the public an appearance of connection where he knows he has none, and I know he never shall have any. When his Grace does me the honour to say that any thing is," exactly conformable to my ideas," he is pleased to use the name of a man, who has never communicated his ideas to the Duke of Newcastle upon the present state of affairs; and who is finally resolved never to be in confidence or concert again with his Grace. Whenever my ideas, in their true and exact dimensions, reach the public, I shall lay them before the world myself. In the mean time, be assured, my dear Sir, that I do not form the least wish to withhold you, or any friend, from taking any step your own judgment or inclination may lead to. I only mean, being asked my thoughts, to say frankly, that I shall never depart from the principles, and system of measures, in which I have been so often sacrificed by the Duke of Newcastle, nor accede to his Grace's ministry, because he, occasionally, is pleased to adopt, in words, and to mar in effect, any parts of that system, which he has first subverted. My paper grows full, and a folio would not be too large to tell you with what affectionate esteem, I am ever, dear Sir, most faithfully yours, WILLIAM PITT. |