commenced the attack, with the usual confidence and impetuosity of Napoleon's soldiers; advancing in column, according to the system which had so often overturned all before them. The English received the attack in line; and returned it with a heavy fire and resolute bravery. Junot displayed all the reckless courage of his character throughout the day, but was foiled in every attempt. He had completely lost the battle by twelve o'clock, and commenced his retreat, leaving two thousand dead and wounded on the field, some hundred prisoners, and thirteen pieces of cannon. Two of the English brigades had never been brought into action, and the Portuguese had not fired a shot; the loss in killed and wounded did not amount to a thousand; it was therefore with extreme surprise, that Junot found himself permitted to make his retreat unmolested. Sir Arthur Wellesley, who had ordered an immediate pursuit, no longer commanded in chief. Sir Harry Burrard had arrived the night before the action, but did not interfere until its conclusion, when he assumed the first place, and declared his determination to remain at Vimiero, till the arrival of Sir John Moore: this unexpected cessation of hostilities, enabled Junot to regain his former position of Torres Vedras. Sir Hew Dalrymple disembarked, and superseded Sir Harry Burrard on the 22nd, so that the British army was placed under the command of three different generals, in the space of twenty-four hours, during which a battle had been fought. We cannot conclude the subject of the battle of Vimiero, without noticing the inaccuracy of one of the modern popular French historians. "The English general," says Norvins, "at the head of twenty-six thousand men of the two nations, marched on Vimiero, where the brave Junot, at the head of ten thousand only, accepted the combat." The English force was sixteen thousand; the Portuguese six thousand, and these did nothing: the French army, according to Foy and Napier, amounted to something between twelve and fourteen thousand.

While Sir Hew Dalrymple was preparing to advance, General Kellermann appeared at head-quarters on the part of Junot, to demand a cessation of arms, and to treat for a convention under which the French should evacuate Portugal without further resistance. The conditions were formally considered, and finally granted. The definitive treaty was signed at Lisbon on the 30th of August, 1808.

By this important arrangement, commonly called the Convention of Cintra, it was agreed that the whole of the French forces at that time in Portugal, should be transported in English ships to France, without being considered prisoners of war, carrying with them their public and private property: French residents in Portugal, or Portuguese who had served the French, being guaranteed from political

persecution. These were conditions highly favourable and honourable to the vanquished; but the advantages to the victors were commensurate. Portugal was at once liberated, with all its fortresses, arsenals, &c. Four or five thousand Spanish soldiers, prisoners on board the vessels in the Tagus, were set free. Finally, all further sacrifice of life, to have been expected in carrying the different French positions, and all danger of losing communication with the fleet, were at an end, and the English had obtained a firm footing in the Peninsula. A separate treaty was concluded with the Russian squadron in the Tagus. The ships, it was agreed, were to be held by England in deposit, until six months after the conclusion of a peace; the admiral, officers, and seamen, to be transported to Russia in English ships, without any restriction as to their future services.

The Duke of Abrantes, with his staff, embarked on the 13th of September; the different divisions of the French army progressively followed; and by the 30th, Portugal was freed from the presence of its invaders. The joy of the inhabitants was unequivocally testified. Even while Junot continued to occupy Lisbon, songs of triumph had been sung on the occasion; and thousands of small lamps had been openly manufactured, for the avowed purpose of illuminating the streets at his departure.

TURKISH REVOLUTION -CONFERENCE AT

ERFURT-NAPOLEON LEADS HIS ARMY INTO SPAIN-RAPID VICTORIES-SURRENDER OF MADRID-SIR JOHN MOORE

ADVANCES-IS

OBLIGED TO RETREAT-BATTLE OF CORUNNA-NAPOLEON LEAVES SPAIN-SURRENDER OF SARAGOSSA, AND VICTORIES OF THE FRENCH ARMIES.

BEFORE resuming the history of the general politics of Europe, it becomes necessary to notice the revolution which took place in Constantinople, in the year 1807. The Sultan Selim, the ally of France, was in that year deposed, and imprisoned in the interior of the seraglio, by the janissaries; and his nephew, Mustapha, proclaimed in his stead. General Sebastiani, the French ambassador, however, contrived to open a communication with Selim, and influenced the Vizier Barayctar to advance upon Constantinople with the army which he commanded on the Danube, for the purpose of restoring the dethroned sultan. Barayctar only arrived in time to lament over the lifeless body

matter

of his master, who had been strangled by Mustapha. The troops revenged his death by executing his murderer, and then raised Mahmoud, his cousin, to the throne. The revolution was injurious to the interests of Turkey at the moment, for Russia took immediate possession of the provinces evacuated by the army of Barayctar; and France made the change of sovereigns a pretext for abandoning the country to the designs of the Emperor of Russia.

The events of 1808, in the Peninsula, had imposed upon Napoleon, on his return from Bayonne, the novel task of announcing to France the disasters and reverses which had befallen his arms. As much was concealed by him as was compatible with the necessity of preparing for fresh exertions, and great stress was laid on English interference. M. de Champagny, who had superseded Talleyrand as war-minister, put forth two lengthened reports on the subject, and the details were laid before the senate. Talleyrand had accepted the office of Vice Grand Elector, and retired from the ministry before the interference of Napoleon in the affairs of Spain. Some historians have affirmed that Talleyrand would have prevented this interference: the truth seems to be that he first advised it, but that he would have conducted it skilfully and successfully, by means of intrigue and negociation, and averted violence.

The appearance of danger suddenly arose in another quarter, in the summer of 1808. The Austrian government, relinquishing the ancient military routine of the empire, established a law of conscription, and a national guard; increased the armies of the line to a great extent; formed armies of reserve; and, in short, assumed the attitude of an impending war; though, in reply to the demands of Napoleon for an explanation, the most positive assurances of pacific intentions were given.

Under these circumstances, Napoleon addressed the senate on the 4th of September, in these terms:-"I am resolved to prosecute the affairs of Spain with the greatest activity, and to destroy the armies which England may land in that country. My alliance with the Emperor of Russia, leaves England no prospect of success in her projects. I believe in the peace of the continent; but I will not, and cannot depend on the errors and false calculations of other courts: and since my neighbours are increasing their armies, it is my duty to increase mine." The reply was the vote of two conscriptions, each of eighty thousand men. "The will of France," said the senate, in its address, "is the same with the will of her Emperor. The war with Spain is politic, just, and necessary."

Before putting into action the immense resources thus placed at his disposal, it was necessary for Napoleon to test the stability of his

amicable relations with the Emperor of Russia. If Alexander remained faithful to the treaty of Tilsit, the French armies might be safely withdrawn from Germany; if he were wavering in his friendship, he might be expected to find a pretext for a change of policy from the fresh designs of Napoleon on Spain. The French ambassador at St. Petersburgh, was therefore directed to propose a meeting between the two emperors at Erfurt, in the dominions of the Duke of SaxeWeimar, which was accepted, and fixed for the approaching month of October.

Napoleon left Paris for Erfurt in the end of September, and was attended, throughout his route, by the continued rejoicings and acclamations of the people. He had made the most splendid preparations for the reception of his imperial guest, who was already at Weimar, awaiting the tidings of his approach. The meeting of the two sovereigns was attended by all the pomp and splendour of military parade and royal luxury, and bore every outward appearance of perfect cordiality. The daily political conferences were always followed by fêtes and entertainments, which, together with all other current expenses, were defrayed by Napoleon. A troop of cooks, stewards, and lackeys, had been accordingly sent to Erfurt from Paris. The intellectual pleasures of his guests had also been considered. The company of the Theatre Française was present for the purpose of performing the masterpieces of French dramatic literature. A crowd of kings and princes attended to pay their court to the powerful Emperor of France. The kings of Saxony, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, and Westphalia, the Prince Primate, the princes of Anhalt-Coburg, Saxe-Weimar, Darmstadt, Baden, Nassau, and Mecklenburg, were present. The Arch-Duke Constantine accompanied his imperial brother. The King of Prussia was represented by his brother, Prince William. The Emperor of Austria strove to account for his own absence by a letter, transmitted by Colonel Vincent, and filled with protestations of continued amity: "I eagerly embrace the occasion of your approach to my frontier, to renew the testimonials of friendship and esteem which I have sworn to you, and to convey to you the assurance of these unalterable sentiments." Such is the tenor of a letter, from dictating which, the conscientious emperor probably turned to observe the progress of his armaments, and calculate the shortest period at which he could commence another war against France.

It may be supposed with what anxiety this assemblage of sovereigns watched the outward signs of the probable issue of the negociations between the two potentates, who held their fate in their hands. Every word or look became of importance. During the representation of the tragedy of "Edipe," at which they were present together,

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