2°. Soult's resolution to place the artillery and stores in Tuy, and march into Portugal, trusting to victory for reopening the communication, would increase the reputation of any general. Three times before he reached Oporto he was obliged to halt, in order to fabricate cartridges for the infantry from the powder taken in battle, and his whole progress from Tuy to that city was energetic and able in the extreme.

3°. The military proceedings, after the taking of Oporto, do not all bear the same stamp. The administration of the civil affairs appears to have engrossed the marshal's attention, and his absence from the immediate scene of action sensibly affected the operations. Franceschi showed too much respect for Trant's corps; Loison's movements were timid and slow; even Laborde's genius seems to have been asleep. The importance of crushing Sylveira was obvious, and there is nothing more necessary in war than to strike with all the force you can at once; but here Caulincourt was first sent, and being too weak, Loison re-enforced him, Laborde re-enforced Loison, and all were scarcely sufficient at last to do that which half would have done at first. But the whole of these transactions are obscure. The great delay that took place before the bridge of Amarante, and the hesitation and frequent recurrence for orders to the marshal, indicate want of zeal, or a desire to procrastinate, in opposition to Soult's wishes. Judging from Mr. Noble's history of the campaign, this must be traced to a conspiracy in the French army, which shall be touched upon hereafter.

4°. The resistance made by the Portuguese peasantry was infinitely creditable to their courage; but there cannot be a stronger proof of the inefficacy of a like defence, when unsupported by good troops. No country is more favourable to such a warfare than the northern provinces of Portugal: the people were brave, they had the assistance of the orga nized forces under Romana, Sylveira, Eben, and the bishop; yet Soult, in the very worst season of the year, overcoming all resistance, penetrated to Oporto without an actual loss, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, of more than two thousand five hundred, including the twelve hundred sick, captured at Chaves.

ROMANA.

1o. Romana remained at Oimbra and Monterey, unmolested, from the 21st of January to the 6th of March; he had therefore time to reorganize his forces, and he had, in fact, ten thousand regular troops in tolerable order. He knew on the 11th or 12th that Soult was preparing to pass the Minho, between Tuy and Guardia. He knew also that the people of Ribadavia and Orense were in arms; that those on the Arosa were preparing to rise; and that consequently the French must, were it only from want of food, break out of the contracted position they occupied either by Ribadavia and Orense, or by crossing the Minho, or by retreating to St. Jago. With these guides, the path of the Spanish general was as plain as the writing on the wall: he was at the head of ten thousand regular troops, and two marches would have brought him to Ribadavia; in front of that town he might have occupied a position close on the left flank of the French, rallied all the insurgents about him, and organized a formi dable warfare. The French dared not have attempted the passage of the Minho while he was in front of Ribadavia, and if they turned against him, the place was favourable for battle, the retreat open by Orense and

Monterey; and the difficulty of bringing up artillery would have hampered the pursuit. On the other hand, if Soult had retreated, that alone would have been tantamount to a victory, and Romana would have been well placed to follow, connecting himself with the English vessels of war upon that coast as he advanced.

2o. So far from contemplating operations of this nature, Romana did not even concentrate his force; but keeping it extended, in small parties, along fifteen miles of country, indulged himself in speculations about his enemy's weakness, and the prospect of their retreating altogether from the Peninsula. He was only roused from his reveries, by finding his divisions beaten in detail, and himself forced either to join the Portuguese with whom he was quarrelling, or to break his promises to Sylveira and fly by cross roads over the mountain on his right: he adopted the latter, thus proving, that whatever might be his resources for raising an insurrection, he could not direct one, and that he was, although brave and active, totally destitute of military talent. At a later period of the war, the Duke of Wellington, after a long and fruitless military discussion, drily observed, that either Romana or himself had mistaken their profession!

SYLVEIRA.

1°. This Portuguese general's first operations were as ill-conducted as Romana's; his posts were too extended, he made no attempt to repair the works of Chaves, none to aid the important insurrection of Ribadavia; but these errors cannot be fairly charged upon him, as his officers were so unruly, that they held a council of war perforce, where thirty voted for fighting at Chaves, and twenty-nine against it; the casting voice being given by the voter calling on the troops to follow him. The after-movement, by which Chaves was recaptured, whether devised by Sylveira himself, or directed by Marshal Beresford, was bold and skilful; but the advance to Peñafiel, while La Houssaye and Heudelet could from Braga pass by Guimaraens, and cut him off from Amarante, was as rash as his subsequent flight was disgraceful: yet, thanks to the heroic courage of Colonel Patrick, Sylveira's reputation as a general was established among his countrymen, by the very action which should have ruined him in their estimation.

34*

BOOK VII.

CHAPTER I.

Anarchy in Portugal-Sir John Cradock quits the command-Sir Arthur Wellesley arrives at Lisbon-Happy effect of his presence-Nominated captain-general-His military position described-Resolves to march against Soult-Reaches Coimbra Conspiracy in the French army-D'Argenton's proceedings-Sir Arthur Wellesley's situation compared with that of Sir John Cradock.

It will be remembered that the narrative of Sir John Cradock's proceedings was discontinued, at the moment when that general, nothing shaken by the importunities of the regency, the representations of Marshal Beresford or the advice of Mr. Frere, resolved to wait at Lumiar for the arrival of the promised re-enforcements from England. While in this position, he made every exertion to obtain transport for the supplies, remounts for the cavalry, and draught animals for the artillery; but the Portuguese government gave him no assistance, and an attempt to procure horses and mules in Morocco proving unsuccessful, the army was so scantily furnished that, other reasons failing, this alone would have prevented any advance towards the frontier.*

The singular inactivity of Victor surprised Cradock, but did not alter his resolution; yet being continually importuned to advance, he, when assured that five thousand men of the promised re-enforcements were actually off the Rock of Lisbon, held a council of war on the subject.† All the generals were averse to marching on Oporto except Beresford, and he admitted that its propriety depended on Victor's movements: meanwhile, that marshal approached Badajoz, Lapisse came down upon the Agueda, and Soult, after storming Oporto, pushed his advanced posts to the Vouga. A cry of treason was instantly heard throughout Portugal, and both the people and the soldiers evinced a spirit truly alarming. The latter, disregarding the authority of Beresford, and menacing their own officers, declared that it was necessary to slay a thousand traitors in Lisbon; and the regiments in Abrantes even abandoned that post, and marched to join Trant upon the Vouga. But when these disorders were at the worst, and when a vigorous movement of Victor and Lapisse would have produced fatal consequences, General Hill landed with about five thousand men and three hundred artillery horses. Cradock then resolved to advance, moved thereto by the representations of Beresford, who thought such a measure absolutely necessary to restore confidence, to ensure the obedience of the native troops, and to enable him to take measures for the safety of Abrantes.§ Thus about the time that Tuy was relieved by the French, and that Sylveira was attacked at Peñafiel by

* Appendix, No. XXXIV.

Appendix, No. XXXII. § iii. and vi.

+ Sir John Cradock's Correspondence, MS. Sir John Cradock's Correspondence, MS.

Laborde, the English army was put in motion, part upon Caldas and Obidos, part upon Rio Mayor; the campaign was therefore actually commenced by Cradock, when that general, although his measures had been all approved of by his government, was suddenly and unexpectedly required to surrender his command to Sir Arthur Wellesley, and proceed himself to Gibraltar. It would appear that this arrangement was adopted after a struggle in the cabinet,* and certainly neither the particular choice nor the general principle of employing men of talent without regard to seniority can be censured; nevertheless, Sir John Cradock was used unworthily. A general of his rank would never have accepted a command on such terms, and it was neither just nor decent to expose him to an unmerited mortification.

Before the arrival of his successor, Cradock had assembled the army at Leiria, and established his magazines at Abrantes, Santarem, and Peniche; but as the admiral, fearing the difficult navigation at that season, would not send victuallers to the latter place, the magazines there were but scantily supplied. Meanwhile, Lapisse made way by Alcantara to Merida, the recapture of Chaves became known, and the insurrection in Beira and Tras os Montes took its full spring. Trant's force also increased on the Vouga, and Beresford, who had succeeded in restoring order among the Portuguese battalions, was more than ever urgent for an attack upon Soult; nevertheless Cradock, unprovided with a due proportion of cavalry, unable to procure provisions or forage, and fearful for the safety of Lisbon, refused, and the 24th of April hearing that his successor had arrived, resigned the command and repaired to Gibraltar.

Sir Arthur Wellesley landed the 22d of April. On the 24th he signified to the British ministers, that affairs being in the condition contemplated by them, it was his intention to assume the command of the army;t a circumstance worthy of attention, as indicating that the defence of Portugal was even then considered a secondary object, and of uncertain promise. The deliverance of the Peninsula was never due to the foresight and perseverance of the English ministers, but to the firmness and skill of the British generals, and to the courage of troops whom no dangers could daunt and no hardships dishearten, while they remedied the eternal errors of the cabinet.

The unexpected arrival of a man known only as a victorious commander created the greatest enthusiasm in Portugal. The regency immediately nominated him marshal-general of their troops; the people, always fond of novelty, hailed his presence with enthusiasm; and all those persons, whether Portuguese or British, who had blamed Sir John Cradock's prudent caution, now anticipating a change of system, spake largely and confidently of the future operations: in truth, all classes were greatly excited, and an undefined yet powerful sentiment that something great would soon be achieved pervaded the public mind. Sir Arthur's plans were, however, neither hastily adopted nor recklessly hurried forward ;‡ like Cradock, he felt the danger of removing far from Lisbon while Victor was on the Alemtejo frontier, and he anxiously weighed his own resources against those at the enemy's disposal. Not that he wavered between offensive and defensive movements; a general of his discernment could not fail to perceive, that if the French were acting upon any concerted

* Lord Londonderry's Narrative. Appendix, No. XLV.

† Appendix, No. XLIV.

plan, the false march of Lapisse to Merida had marred their combinations, by placing a whole nation, with all its fortresses and all its forces, whether insurgents, regular troops, or auxiliaries, between the armies of Victor and Soult; and that neither concert nor communication could longer exist between those marshals.

Soult's offensive strength was also evidently exhausted; he might establish himself firmly in the provinces beyond the Duero, but he could not, alone, force his way to Lisbon, a distance of two hundred miles, in a season when the waters were full, and through a country tangled with rivers, mountains, and defiles. He could not hope, with twenty-four thousand men, to beat a whole people in arms, assisted by an auxiliary army of as high reputation, and nearly as numerous as his own; and, moreover, there were discontents and conspiracy in his camp, and of this Sir Arthur was aware. Soult alone, then, was no longer formidable to the capital; but that which weakened him increased the offensive power of Victor, who was now at the head of thirty thousand men, and might march straight upon Lisbon, and through an open country, the only bar. rier being the Tagus, a river fordable in almost all seasons. Such a movement, or even the semblance of it, must perforce draw the British and native armies to that side, and then Soult, coming down to the Mondego, might from thence connect his operations with Victor's by the line of the Zezere, or advance at once on Lisbon, as occasion offered.

Now, to meet the exigencies of the campaign, the military resources of the English general were,

1o. His central position.

2o. The British and German troops, about twenty-six thousand in number; of which those present under arms, including sergeants, amounted to twenty-two thousand, with three thousand seven hundred horses and mules. But in the British army corporals and privates only are understood in the present under arms, whereas in the French army that term includes all military persons, officers, non-commissioned officers, soldiers, drummers, combatants and non-combatants, a distinction to be borne in mind when comparing the forces on each side. 3°. The Portuguese troops of the line; of which there might be organized and armed about sixteen thousand.

Nearly all these troops were already collected, or capable of being collected in a short time, between the Tagus and the Mondego; and beyond the latter river, Trant and Sylveira commanded separate corps: the one upon the Vouga, the other on the Tamega.

4°. The militia and the ordenanças, which may be denominated the insurgent force.

5°. The fortresses of Almeida, Ciudad Rodrigo, Elvas, Abrantes, Peniche, and Badajoz.

6°. The English fleet, the Portuguese craft, and the free use of the coast and river navigation for his supplies.

7°. The assistance of Cuesta, who had six thousand cavalry and thirty thousand infantry, of which twenty-five thousand were actually about the defiles of Monasterio in front of Victor's posts.

1

Sir Arthur Wellesley's moral resources were the high courage of his own troops; his personal popularity; the energy of an excited people; a favourable moment; the presentiment of victory, and a mind equal to

the occasion.

In a strategic point of view, to fall upon Victor was best, because he