castle of Aljaferia, and from thence sent notice to the junta of their proceedings. The dissentient party would, however, have fallen upon the others the next day, if the junta had not taken prompt measures to enforce the surrender; the officer in command of the walls near the castle, by their orders, gave up his post to the French during the night, and on the 21st of February, from twelve to fifteen thousand sickly beings, laid down those arms which they were now scarcely able to handle, and this cruel and memorable siege was finished.

OBSERVATIONS.

1o. When the other events of the Spanish war shall be lost in the obscurity of time, or only traced by disconnected fragments, the story of Zaragoza, like some ancient triumphal pillar standing amidst ruins, will tell a tale of past glory, and already men point to the heroic city, and call her Spain, as if her spirit were common to the whole nation; yet it was not so, nor was the defence of Zaragoza itself the effect of unalloyed virtue. It was not patriotism, nor was it courage, nor skill, nor fortitude, nor a system of terror, but all these combined under peculiar circumstances, that upheld the defence. This combination, and how it was brought about, should be well considered; for it is not so much by catching at the leading resemblances, as by studying the differences of great affairs, that the exploits of one age can be made to serve as models for another.

2o. The defence of Zaragoza may be examined under two points of view; as an isolated event, and as a transaction bearing on the general struggle in the Peninsula. With respect to the latter, it was a manifest proof, that neither the Spanish people, nor the government, partook of the Zaragozan energy. It would be absurd to suppose that, in the midst of eleven millions of people animated by an ardent enthusiasm, fifty thou sand armed men could for two months be besieged, shut in, destroyed, they and their works, houses and bodies, mingled in one terrible ruin, by less than thirty-five thousand adversaries, without one effort being made to save them! Deprive the transaction of its dazzling colours, and the outline comes to this: thirty-five thousand French, in the midst of insurrections, did, in despite of a combination of circumstances peculiarly favourable to the defence, reduce fifty thousand of the bravest and most energetic men in Spain. It is true, the latter suffered nobly; but was their example imitated? Gerona, indeed, although less celebrated, rivalled, and perhaps more than rivalled, the glory of Zaragoza; elsewhere, her fate spoke, not trumpet-tongued to arouse, but with a wailing voice that carried dismay to the heart of the nation.

3°. As an isolated transaction, the siege of Zaragoza is very remarkable; yet it would be a great error to suppose, that any town, the inhabitants of which were equally resolute, might be as well defended. Fortune and bravery will do much, but the combinations of science are not to be defied with impunity. There are no miracles in war! If the houses of Zaragoza had not been nearly incombustible, the bombardment alone would have caused the besieged to surrender, or to perish with their flaming city.

4°. That the advantages offered by the peculiar structure of the houses, and the number of convents and churches, were ably seized by the Spaniards, is beyond doubt. General Rogniat, La Coste's successor,

treats his opponents' skill in fortifications with contempt; but Colonel San Genis' talents are not to be judged of by the faulty construction of a few outworks at a time when he was under the control of a disorderly and ferocious mob; he knew how to adapt his system of defence to the cir cumstances of the moment, and no stronger proof of real genius can be given. "Do not consult me about a capitulation," was his common expression; "I shall never be of opinion that Zaragoza can make no further defence." Yet neither the talents of San Genis, nor the construction of the houses, would have availed, if the people within had not been of a temper adequate to the occasion; and to trace the passions by which they were animated to their true causes is a proper subject for historical and military research. That they did not possess any superior courage is evident from these facts; the besieged, although twice the number of the besiegers, never made any serious impression by their sallies, and they were unable to defend the breaches. In large masses, the standard of courage which is established by discipline, may be often inferior to that produced by fanaticism or any other peculiar excitement; the latter however never lasts long, neither is it equable, because men are of different susceptibilities, following their physical and mental conformation. Hence a system of terror has always been the resource of those leaders who, being engaged in great undertakings, were unable to recur to discipline. Enthusiasm stalked in front of their bands, but punishment brought up the rear, and Zaragoza was no exception to this practice.

5o. It may be said that the majority of the besieged, not being animated by any peculiar fury, a system of terror could not be carried to any great length; a close examination explains this seeming mystery. The defenders were composed of three distinct parties, the regular troops, the peasantry from the country, and the citizens; the citizens, who had most to lose, were naturally the fiercest, and, accordingly, amongst them, the system of terror was generated. The peasantry followed the example, as all ignorant men, under no regular control, will do. The soldiers meddled but little in the interior arrangements, and the division of the town into islands of posts rendered it perfectly feasible for violent persons, already possessed, of authority, to follow the bent of their inclinations: there was no want of men, and the garrison of each island found it their own interest to keep those in front of them to their posts, that the danger might be the longer staved off from themselves.

6° Palafox was only the nominal chief of Zaragoza, the laurels gathered in both sieges should adorn plebeian brows. But those laurels dripped with kindred as well as foreign blood; the energy of the real chiefs, and the cause in which that energy was exerted, may be admired; the acts perpetrated were, in themselves, atrocious, and Palafox, although unable to arrest the savage proceedings, can claim but little credit for his own conduct. For more than a month preceding the surrender, he never came forth of a vaulted building, which was impervious to shells, and in which, there is too much reason to believe, that he and others, of both sexes, lived in a state of sensuality, forming a disgusting contrast to the wretchedness that surrounded them.

OBSERVATIONS ON THE FRENCH OPERATIONS.

1o. Before the arrival of Marshal Lasnes, these operations were conducted with little vigour; the want of unity, as to time, in the double

VOL. I.

26

attack of the Monte Torrero and the suburb, was a flagrant error, which was not redeemed by any subsequent activity. After the arrival of that marshal, the siege was pursued with singular intrepidity and firmness; and although General Rogniat disapproves of Suchet's division having been sent to Calatayud, it seems to have been a judicious measure, inasmuch as it was necessary,-1°. To protect the line of correspondence with Madrid; 2°. To have a corps at hand, lest the Duke of Infantado should quit Cuenca, and throw himself into the Guadalaxara district, a movement that would have been extremely embarrassing to the king. Suchet's division, while at Calatayud, fulfilled these objects, without losing the power of succouring Tudela, or of intercepting the Duke of Infantado if he attempted to raise the siege of Zaragoza; but when the Spanish army at Cuenca was directed to Ucles, and the Marquis of Lazan was gathering strength on the left bank of the Ebro, it was undoubtedly proper to recall Suchet.

2o. It may not be misplaced here to point out the errors of Infantado's operations. If, instead of bringing on a battle with the first corps, he had marched to the Ebro, established his dépôts and places of arms at Mequinenza and Lerida, opened a communication with Murcia, Valencia, and Catalonia, and joined the Marquis of Lazan's troops to his own, he might have formed an intrenched camp in the Sierra de Alcubierre, and from thence have carried on a methodical war with, at least, twenty-five thousand regular troops. The insurrections on the French flanks and line of communication with Pampeluna would then have become formidable, and, in this situation, having the fortresses of Catalonia behind him, with activity and prudence he might have raised the siege.

3o. From a review of all the circumstances attending the siege of Zaragoza, we may conclude that fortune was extremely favourable to the French. They were brave, persevering and skilful, and they did not lose above four thousand men, but their success, partly resulting from the errors of their opponents, was principally due to the destruction caused by the pestilence within the town: for of all that multitude, said to have fallen, six thousand Spaniards only were slain in battle; and although thirteen convents and churches had been taken, yet, when the town surrendered, forty remained to be forced!

Such were the principal circumstances of this memorable siege. I shall now relate the contemporary operations in Catalonia.

* Rogniat

CHAPTER IV.

Operations in Catalonia-St. Cyr commands the seventh corps-Passes the frontier-State of Catalonia-Palacios fixes his head-quarters at Villa Franca-Duhesme forces the line of the Llobregat-Returns to Barcelona-English army from Sicily designed to act in Catalonia-Prevented by Murat-Duhesme forages El Valles-Action of San CulgatGeneral Vives supersedes Palacios-Spanish army augments-Blockade of BarcelonaSiege of Rosas-Folly and negligence of the junta-Intrenchments in the town carried by the besiegers-Marquis of Lazan, with six thousand men, reaches Gerona-Lord Cochrane enters the Trinity-Repulses several assaults-Citadel surrenders 5th December-St. Cyr marches on Barcelona-Crosses the Ter-Deceives Lazan-Turns Hostalrich -Defeats Milans at San Celoni-Battle of Cardadeu-Caldagues retires behind the Llobregat-Negligence of Duhesme-Battle of Molino del Rey.

OPERATIONS IN CATALONIA.

Ir will be remembered, that when the second siege of Gerona was raised, in August, 1808, General Duhesme returned to Barcelona, and General Reille to Figueras, after which the state of affairs obliged those generals to remain on the defensive. Napoleon's measures to aid them were as prompt as the occasion required. For while the siege of Gerona was yet in progress, he had directed troops to assemble at Perpignan in such numbers, as to form with those already in Catalonia, an army of more than forty thousand men, to be called the "7th corps," and to be commanded by General Gouvion St. Cyr, to whom he gave this short but emphatic order: "Preserve Barcelona for me. If that place be lost, I cannot retake it with 80,000 men.'

The troops assembled at Perpignan, were the greatest part, raw levies; Neapolitans, Etruscans, Romans, and Swiss; mixed, however, with some old regiments; but as the preparations for the grand army under the emperor absorbed the principal attention of the administration in France, General St. Cyr was straitened in the means necessary to take the field, and his undisciplined troops, suffering severe privations, were depressed in spirit, and inclined to desert. In this state they received Napoleon's orders, dated the 1st of November, to commence operations. St. Cyr, immediately, put his divisions in motion on the 3d, and crossing the frontier, established his head-quarters at Figueras on the 5th.

Meanwhile in Catalonia, as in other parts of Spain, lethargic vanity, and abuses of the most fatal kind, had succeeded the first enthusiasm and withered the energy of the people. The local junta, had, indeed, issued abundance of decrees, and despatched agents to the supreme junta, and to the English commanders in the Mediterranean and Portugal, all charged with the same instructions, namely, to demand arms, ammunition, and money the central junta treated their demand with contempt, the English authorities answered them generously, and freely, and Lord Collingwood lent the assistance of his fleet. From Malta and Sicily arms were sent, and Sir Hew Dalrymple having completely equipped the Spanish regiments, released by the convention of Cintra, despatched them to Catalonia

* St. Cyr's Journal of Operations.

in British transports. Yet it may be doubted if the conduct of the central junta on this occasion were not the wisest, for the local government established at Tarragona had already become so neglectful, and corrupt, that the arms thus supplied were, instead of being used in defence of the country, sold to foreign merchants!* Such being the political state of Catalonia, it naturally followed that the military affairs should be ill conducted. The Count of Caldagues, after having relieved Gerona, returned by Hostalrich, and resumed the line of the Llobregat; fifteen hundred men, drawn from the garrison of Carthagena, reached Tarragona; the Marquis of Palacios, accompanied by the junta, quitted the latter town, and fixed his quarters at Villa Franca, within twenty miles of Caldagues, and the latter then disposed his troops, five thousand in number, on different points between Martorel and San Boy, covering a line of eighteen miles, along the left bank of the river.† Meanwhile Duhesme, who had rested but a few days, marched in the night from Barcelona with six thousand men, and having arrived the 2d of September at daybreak on the Llobregat, attacked Caldagues' line on several points, but principally at San Boy and Molino del Rey. The former post was carried, and the Spaniards were pursued to Vegas, a distance of seven or eight miles, yet at Molino del Rey the French were repulsed, and Duhesme then returned to Barcelona. It was the intention of the British ministers, that an auxiliary force should have sailed from Sicily about this time to aid the Catalans, and doubtless it would have been a wise and timely effort, but Napoleon's foresight prevented the execution. He directed Murat to menace Sicily, and that prince, feigning to collect forces on the coast of Calabria, spread many reports of armaments being in preparation, while, as a preliminary measure, General Lamarque carried the island of Capræ. It was here Sir Hudson Lowe first became known to history, by losing, in a few days, a post that, without any pretensions to celebrity, might have been defended for as many years. Murat's demonstration sufficed to impose upon Sir John Stuart, and from ten to twelve thousand British troops were thus paralysed at a most critical period; and such will always be the result of a policy which has no fixed, definite object in view. When statesmen cannot see their own way clearly, the executive officers will seldom act with vigour.

During September the Spanish army daily increased; the tercios of migueletes were augmented, and a regiment of hussars, that had been most absurdly kept in Majorca ever since the beginning of the insurrection, arrived at Tarragona. Palacios however remained at Villa Franca, Caldagues continued to guard the Llobregat, and Mariano Alvarez commanded the advanced guard, composed of the garrisons of Gerona and Rosas, the corps of Juan Claros, and other partisan chiefs. Francisco Milans, and Milans de Bosch, with six thousand migueletes, kept the mountains, northward and eastward of Barcelona; the latter hemming in the French right, the former covering the district of El Valles, and watching, like a bird of prey, the enemy's foragers in the plain of Barcelona. The little port of Filieu de Quixols, near Palamos bay, was filled with privateers, and the English frigates off the coast, besides aiding the Spanish enterprises, carried on a littoral warfare in the gulf of Lyons with great spirit and success. Many petty skirmishes happened between the migue

* Lord Collingwood's Correspondence.

+ Cabanes.