duction, but which, for the most part, is not exhausted by use. There are species of this kind of capital which may be transferred, as for instance, the good will of a well-established firm. Others are as inseparably connected with human capacity for labor as soil-improvements with a piece of land; e. g., the greater dexterity acquired by a workman through scientific study, or the greater confidence he has acquired by long trial. The state itself is the most important incorporeal capital of every nation, since it is clearly indispensable, at least indirectly, to economic production."

The greater portion of the national capital is in a state of constant transformation. It is being continually destroyed and reproduced. But from the stand-point of private economy, as well as from that of the whole people, we say that capital is preserved, increased or diminished according as its value is preserved, increased or diminished.10 Pretium succedit in locum roi et res in locum pretii. "The greater part in value of the wealth now existing in England, has been produced by human hands within the last twelve months. A very small proportion indeed of that large aggregate was in existence ten years ago; of the present productive capital of the country, scarcely any part except farm-houses and a few ships and ma

8 Thus, Ganilh, Théorie de l'Economie politique I, 133, calls the knowledge, talents and probity of merchants, as well as their reputation, valuable parts of their capital in trade. See, also, Möser, Patriot. Ph. II, 26. See some happy observations on the intellectual capital of nations, as consisting of "known and unknown preparatory labor through their history," in Lotze, Mikrokosomos II, 353 seq.

9 Compare Dietzel, System der Staatsanleihen (1856), 71 ff. And, earlier yet, Ad. Müller had looked upon taxes not in the light of an insurance premium, but as "the interest of the invisible and yet absolutely necessary intellectual capital of the nation." (Elemente, III, 75.) Of course, the State is much more than a species of capital; just as a Gothic cathedral is something more than a piece of masonry, but does not on that accout cease to be a piece of masonry.

10 F. B. Say, Traité d'Economie Politique I, ch. 10. Only think of what is known in physiology as the change or transformation of matter (Stoffwechsel!).

chines; and even these would not, in most cases, have survived so long, if fresh labor had not been employed within that period in putting them into repair. .... Capital is kept in existence from age to age like population, not by preservation, but by reproduction." (J. S. Mill.)

SECTION XLIII.

CAPITAL.- PRODUCTIVE CAPITAL.

Capital, according to the employment that can be given it, may be divided into such as affects the production of material goods, and such as affects personal goods or useful relations. The former, under the name of productive capital, is, in recent politico-economical literature, usually opposed to capital in use.' Evidently any one of the two kinds of capital mentioned above, may be used for both purposes. Indeed, the two classes are, in many respects, coincident. Thus, a livery-stable carriage or a circulating library is productive capital to its proprietor, and capital in use* (Gebrauchskapital) to the nation

1 Productive capital has been rendered into German by the word Erwerbstamm, by the author of "Staatswirthschaft nach Naturgesetzen," 1819. Malthus, Definitions, ch. 10, and Rau, Lehrbuch, I, § 51, call productive capital alone, capital. According to M. Chevalier, goods lose their quality of capital as soon as they come into the hands of a consumer. Schäffle, N. Œk., II, aufl., 59, calls capital in use Genussvermögen (resources intended for enjoyment) and productive capital, Kapitalvermögen (capital-resources). On the other hand, J. B. Say, Traité, I, 13; McCulloch, Principles, II, 2, 3; Hermann, Staatswirthschaft. Untersuchungen, p. 60 ff., and v. Mangoldt, Volkswirthschaftslehre, 122, divide capital into capital in use and productive capital, according as it provides the possessor with that which he may turn to account directly or indirectly by becoming the owner of goods through its Aristotle distinguishes between όργανα and κτήματα, the former relating to oino; for instance, a shuttle; the latter to pά5, as, for instance, bedding and articles of dress. (Polit., I, 2, 5

means.

2

Thus, for instance, class A embraces parks and forests; B, theaters, churches, manufactories, arsenals, granaries, public walks and roads. Walks can, besides, be used for the cultivation of fruit, and roads for pleasure trips. * Translated "capital de consommation" by Wolowski, p. 96 of his Roscher's Principles. - Translator's note.

in general; although the circulating library from which an Arkwright obtains technic information, or the livery-stable vehicle which carries a Borsig to his counting-room, has certainly been used in the production of material goods. Almost all capital in use may be converted into productive capital, and hence, the former might be called quiescent capital, and the latter working capital.3 One of the principal differences between productive capital and capital in use is, that the former, even when most judiciously employed, does not so immediately replace itself, as the latter, by its returns. On the other hand, the real dividing line between capital in use, and objects consumed which are not capital, is, and it is in complete harmony with our definition of capital, that the latter are subject not only to a more speedy destruction and one which is always contemplated, while in the case of the former, its destruction is only the unintended reverse-side of its use.

Among a highly civilized people, a great amount of capital in use, as compared with the productive capital of the country, may be considered a sure sign of great wealth. When this is the case, the people, without losing the desire of further acquisition, think that they have enough to richly enjoy the present. I need only call to mind the munificence displayed by the middle classes in England, in their silver plate and other domestic utensils. But the people of Russia, and Mexico also, can make no mean display of silverware. Here lux

3 Dead, or better, dormant capital is such productive capital as, for the time being, remains unused, and which, therefore, does not yield even personal enjoyment. The sum total of this kind of capital is very much diminished by the agency of savings banks. Loaned capital which has been employed unproductively evidently constitutes no longer a part of the wealth of a people. See infra, § 189.

4 Wolkoff is so far right, when in his Lectures, p. 142, he calls the return of capital in use not revenu, but déstruction graduelle. Schäffle is right, too, and entirely so, when he says that only such an increase of the property, intended for enjoyment simply, is anti-economic, as does not make the personal capacities of labor (Arbeitsvermögen) as much more productive than they would otherwise be. N. Œk., II, aufl., 224.

5

Humboldt, N. Espange, II, ch. 17; v. Schlözer, Anfangsgründe, II, 109.

ury is only a symptom of the disinclination or inability of the inhabitants of the country to use their capital in the production of wealth. How much richer would Spain be to-day, if it had employed the idle capital spent in the ornamentation of its churches in constructing roads and canals! Most nations in a low state of civilization suffer from the absence of legal guaranties. Each one is compelled to turn his property into a shape in which it can be most easily transferred from one place to another and hidden. This is the principal reason why

Ausland, 140, No. 313. On the extraordinary wealth of even Russian peasant women in pearls, see v. Haxthausen, Studien, 87, 309.

6 Townsend, Journey in Spain, I, 115, 310. In the patriarchal age of the Jews, there was a relatively very large quantity of ornamental objects in gold and silver: Michalis, De Pretiis Rerum apud Hebræos, in the Comm. Soc. Götting., III, 151 ff., 160. Conservative Sparta, in the middle age of its history, was certainly not rich, and yet it had more gold and silver than any other Grecian state: Plato, Alcib., I, 123. According to St. John, The Hellenes, III, 142, the ancients had relatively much more of the precious metals in the form of objects for ornament than the moderns. The Romans, with their usual good sense, did not make use of silver as an article of luxury until they had attained great wealth. See Cato, R. R., ch. 23, and Seneca, De Vita beata, ch. 21. Then the Carthagenian ambassadors railed at their hosts because they found the same pieces of table silver in all the houses to which they were invited. The younger Scipio, even, did not possess more relatively than 32 pounds of silver ware. Mommsen, Römische Geschichte, II, 383. The relatively great importance of the stores for domestic use, nevertheless, runs through the whole of Roman history. The title de penu legato, in the Pandects (Digest, XXIII, 9), points to this, during the reign of the emperors, aud in earlier times, the derivation of penates from penu. See Rodbertus, in Hildebrand's Jahrbuch, 1870, I, 365. Immense importance of the ring in the old north countries: Weinhold, Altnord. Leben, 184 ff. The age of chivalry was very rich in silver plate, cups, basins, etc. Büsching, Ritterzeit und Ritterwesen, II, 137. Anderson, Origin of Commerce, a. 1386. Lord Burleigh, in the age of queen Elizabeth, left after him between fourteen and fifteen thousand pounds sterling in silver ware; that is almost as much as the rest of his whole estate; and, it would seem, that for a man of his rank, even this was not considered a great deal. Collins' Life of B., 44. According to Giustiniani, cardinal Wolsey owned articles of silver to the value of 1,500,000 ducats, and the greater number of the lords of the time were equally well provided with them.

many precious The same cause

the Orientals possess, relatively speaking, so stones and so much of the precious metals. accounts for the simplicity of their dwellings. On the other hand, productive capital is to be found in the greatest proportion among civilized nations which are making very rapid strides towards wealth, the people of the United States, for instance.

SECTION XLIV.

CAPITAL-FIXED CAPITAL, AND CIRCULATING CAPITAL.

Capital, according as it is employed, is divided into fixed capital and circulating capital. Fixed capital may be used many times in production by its owner; circulating capital only once. The value of the latter kind of capital passes wholly into the value of the new product. In the case of the former kind of capital, only the value of its use passes into the new product. (Hermann.) Hence, the farmer's beasts of burthen belong to his fixed capital; their food, and his cattle intended for the slaughter, to his circulating capital. In a manufactory of machines, a boiler intended for sale is circulating capital; while a similar one, held in reserve for the machines used in production, is fixed capital. Ricardo attributes a somewhat different meaning to these two terms: he calls fixed capital that which is slowly consumed, and circulating,

The Bedouins are fond of decorating their wives and children with all the jewels that they possess, both on holidays and other days, so that they sometimes have four or six bracelets on each arm and fifteen ear-rings in each ear. Burckhardt, Bemerkungen, 188. Wellsted (Roederer's translation), I, 224. In Asia Minor, girls wear their whole dowry in the shape of personal ornaments. Belgiojoso, Revue des deux Mondes, Feb. 1, 1855. In East India even the most wretched towns have their silver workers. The emirs of Scinde, with an annual income of £300,000, had a treasure worth £20,000,000, nearly £7,000,000 of which were in jewels. Ritter, Erdkunde VII, p. 185. On the upper Ganges more jewels and other ornaments are worn than on the lower, where the wealthy prefer to spend their capital on landed estates. Ritter, VI, 1143.