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perspicaciorem, abalienavit formulâ quâdam orationis quæ illi erat familiaris. Nam cum omnes soleant Dei præsentiam in invocando implorare, ille solus Deum rogare consueverat ut a cœtu precantium abesse et se subtrahere vellet; quod licet auditores ad excessum quendam humilitatis trahebant, tamen potuit quoque esse vox plane Satanica, a Dæmone malo qui eum obsidebat dictata. Above all, he poured forth prayers with a certain strange and outlandish fervour, falling upon his face, and rapt as it were in extasy, and like a man expostulating with God. Moreover there was one of his followers, who, being clearer sighted perhaps than the rest, forsook him in consequence of a form of speech which was familiar to him. For whereas all other men are wont in their invocations to implore God's presence, he alone used to ask of God that he would be pleased to absent and withdraw himself from the assembly of those who prayed: which the hearers imputed to excess of humility; and yet it may have been the voice of Satan himself, put into Hacket's mouth by the evil spirit that possessed him.'

VIII.

A little further on (p. 632.) where Camden says that this Hacket had persuaded himself that God had ordained him to be King of Europe, Bacon inserts (Faust. F. viii. fo. 33.) the words homo ex vilissima face Anabaptistarum renatus: being a man newborn from the vilest dregs of the Anabaptists.'

IX.

In the next page, Camden describes him as assuming to be Christ himself, and sending his disciples to pro

claim through the city that Jesus Christ was come with his fan in his hand to judge the world; and if any asked where he was, to bring them thither, and if they would not believe, let them kill him if they could. To which Bacon adds (Faust. F. viii. fo. 33.) cum satis gnarus esset nequissimus impostor id neminem propter legis metum ausurum : the wretched impostor knowing well enough that fear of the law would prevent any man from attempting such a thing.'

X.

In 1593, Queen Elizabeth had to clear herself of some slanders circulated against her in Germany, as having excited the Turk to make war upon Christendom. In allusion to these slanders Camden had observed (p. 660.) that she had had no dealings with the Turk, except for the purpose of enabling her subjects to trade securely in that empire: on which account (he adds) she had an agent at Constantinople to negotiate the merchants' affairs at their own expense, as had also the French King, the Polonian, the states of Venice and others. This statement Bacon corrects (Faust. F. viii. fo. 55.), by saying that she had only an agent at Constantinople, whereas the French, the Polonian, &c. had ambassadors there: 'quo nomine Agentem tantum, qui negotia mercatorum ipsorum impensis ageret, Constantinopoli habuit, cum Gallus, Polonus, Respub. Veneta, et alii Legatos ibidem haberent.' The words in italics are inserted by Bacon.

XI.

In the beginning of 1594, Roderigo Lopez, a Portuguese, employed by Queen Elizabeth as physician of

her household, was tried for a conspiracy (at the instigation of Spain) to poison her. He confessed that he had been dealt with by the Spaniard for that purpose, that he had received from an inward counsellor of the King a rich jewel, had supplied him with intelligence from time to time, and had promised for 50,000 ducats to poison her; but maintained that he never intended to perform the promise and only meant to cozen the Spaniard of his money. Camden had represented him (p. 676.) as stating in his defence that he had given (donasse) the jewel to the Queen. For donâsse Bacon substitutes (Faust. F. viii. fo. 68.) monstrâsse : 'he had shewed it to her;' and adds the following particulars.

Ad fidem faciendam etiam eâ usus est circumstantiâ, quod Regina se in syrupo venenum exhibiturum dixisset, cum satis (ut aiebat) notum esset Reginam in cura corporis syrupis nunquam usam fuisse, sed ab iis magnopere abhorrere. Verum cum plane liqueret idque ex confessione propriâ, eum, cum monile illud Reginæ monstrâsset, nullam prorsus veneni mentionem fecisse, sed tantum per ænigma Reginam interrogâsse annon fraudem fraude tanquam laqueum laqueo intercipere liceret, (quod tamen ipsum Regina ut prudens et cauta fœmina rejecisset sibique minime placere respondisset), cumque insuper testatum esset eum serio de fugâ facienda seque ad cognatum quendam et gentilem suum Salomonem Judæum, qui Constantinopoli habitabat, et prædives erat, conferre deliberâsse, idque in animo habuisse, impostoris ei larva detracta est et proditoris merito adhæsit. 'In confirmation of this, he urged this point he had told his employers that he would exhibit the poison to the Queen in a syrup; whereas it was well

that

known (he said) that she never used syrups in her diet, but had an especial dislike to them. But when it clearly appeared that in shewing that jewel to the Queen he had made no mention whatever of poison, but had merely asked her in a dark manner whether it were lawful to meet deceit with deceit as snare with snare (by which however the Queen, as a wise and cautious woman, was not caught, but replied that she by no means approved of it), and when moreover it was given in evidence that he had seriously thought of taking flight and betake himself to a kinsman of his own race, one Solomon a Jew, who lived at Constantinople and was very rich, and that he had had a purpose so to do, his impostor's mask fell off, leaving the traitor's behind, as was fit.'

XII.

Upon the death of Ferdinand Stanley, Earl of Derby, in 1594, there arose a suit between his daughters and his brother William who succeeded to the earldom, for the dominion of the Isle of Man. In the discussion of the title a flaw was detected by the Crown Lawyers which enabled them to put in a claim on behalf of the Queen. But the Queen (says Camden, p. 687.) waived that right, and an agreement was made between the uncle and his nieces. Here Bacon inserts (Faust. F. viii. fo. 76.) the words ut appareret illud potius ad competitores in ordinem redigendos, quam ad rigorem aliquem in medium adductum fuisse to shew that the claim was put in with a view of bringing the competitors to reason rather than of any rigour.'

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XIII.

In the autumn of 1599, England was alarmed with rumours of a Spanish fleet approaching, and an army was hastily levied as in defence of the kingdom. But there was no such thing. It came to light some year and a half after, that about that time the Earl of Essex, then commanding a great army in Ireland and in high discontent with the Queen, was seriously thinking of crossing over to Wales with 2000 men, and marching up to London with such additional forces as would probably have joined him by the way, and so overpowering his enemies. Camden seems to have suspected that the rumour of the Spanish fleet had been got up by the Government in order to provide themselves against this danger; but leaves it doubtful. "Whether the Queen had any secret intimation of this (he says) I know not. Certain it is that at that very time, upon uncertain rumours eagerly credited of a Spanish fleet prepared, 6000 of the best-trained infantry were raised at London, of which 3000 were to guard the Queen's person and the rest to be ready for all occasions; while from the countries round about a more numerous and carefully selected army was sent for of which Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham, Admiral of England, was made commander-in-chief, with full authority as well against foreign enemies as domestic rebels. But this army was within a few days discharged."

Bacon seems to have had less doubt as to the secret history of this rumour and levy—may indeed have had positive knowledge of the fact and proposes (Faust. F. ix. fo. 33.) to substitute the following passage.

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