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country to an indefinite prolongation of the war, and the justness or extravagance of the price thus paid for the services of Sweden to the confederacy, would be matters for the consideration of this country only, and with which Denmark could have nothing to do. But we cannot forbear, in passing, to express the satisfaction which we derived from those explanations of the treaty, by which the public apprehension with respect to a guarantee' of Norway to Sweden was done away. Aguarantee' is an engagement never to be lightly undertaken by a power who holds engagements once contracted as binding upon its good faith. It is one which we should almost incline to say (if there were any such thing as a general rule in politics) can never be prudently applied except to legitimate and existing rights and possessions; and which we might almost venture to say, generally, never has been applied avowedly, absolutely, and unconditionally to conquests to be made,

If we were gratified at the disclaimer of such an interpretation of the Swedish treaty, when the war was as far as ever from a termination, we think it doubly important now, with a view to the possibility of a negociation for a general peace. To have entered into this with the obligation to demand, as a sine qua non condition of peace, the dismemberment of an unconquered kingdom, would be to place ourselves in a situation of which it is easy to imagine what advantage the enemy would have been able to take.

Our author, indeed, affects to imagine that the dismemberment of Denmark, is an object which Great Britain and her allies are desir¬ ous of effecting; and he kindly condescends to warn us against the danger to which Scotland may be exposed, if Norway should become a province of Sweden, and the alliance between the latter kingdom and France, which, in his opinion, is only at present interrupted, should be again renewed. We thank him for his caution, but dis-claim the design imputed to us: it is the anxious wish of England, as it is her interest, that Denmark should rouse herself from the state of degradation into which she has fallen by a servile submission to the will of Buonaparte, and again assert her rank in the scale of nations. But Sweden, her ancient rival, has established by a different line of conduct claims of no common description to the confidence of this country. Buonaparte himself has been forced to confess, in the bitterness of disappointment, that her conduct, and the system which she has adopted, have hurt him more than all the four coalitions together. When therefore we express our satisfaction at the denial of the supposed guarantee, and disclaim the imputed design of dismemberment, it must not be conceived that we think Norway, if it can be legitimately obtained either by arms, or by cession, or exchange in negociation, too great a reward for Sweden; or that we should not gladly see the Swedish mo

narchy

narchy raised to a scale of power commensurate with the rank which the gallantry of its army, and the fidelity and firmness of its councils so fully entitle it to enjoy. Neither Norway, nor acquisitions more valuable than Norway, would overpay the sacrifices which Sweden has made, and the services which she has rendered. When we are accused of a deliberate project of starving Norway into submission, it is but justice to ourselves to state, that the odium of prolonging the sufferings of its brave inhabitants does not by any means rest with this country. The court of Copenhagen was repeatedly informed, that, if it would withdraw the Danish privateers from the ports of that country, or order them to discontinue their depredations, the vessels loaded with grain for Norway should be allowed to proceed unmolested to their destination; it is not to us therefore, but to their humane rulers, that the Norwegians are indebted for all the miseries they have suffered, for it was hardly to be expected, that whilst our Baltic fleet was. increased to an unusual size in order to afford protection to our convoys in that sea, the commerce of our enemies should be allowed to pass free under Danish licenses, whilst that of England and her allies was exposed to continual vexation.

It is an ungrateful task, but as the Danish writer in the conclusion of his letter sums up the evidence in favour of his country, by enumerating the faults which, in his opinion, have been committed by other countries, and which Denmark has avoided by her pacific system of policy, we must summarily notice his series of omissions.

'We never invaded,' says this learned advocate, like the Phocians, the sacred ground of the temple of Delphi; we never, like the Austrians, the Prussians, or the Russians, have fought against the system of the equilibrium of European society.-Notwithstanding every irritation, the Danish lion never hurt the Continent till now, when he is threatened to be robbed of his young.' True; never, during the almost uninterrupted period of twenty years war, have the Danes manifested a sense of the miseries of Europe. Never, like the powers so invidiously enumerated, have the Danes maintained a doubtful struggle for their independence, in opposition to that system which their fears alone have prevented them from supporting; a system which, so far from having for its object' the maintenance of the equilibrium of European society,' has been directed against the peace of Europe and the liberties of mankind. The oracular voice of the temple of Delphi' need not be invoked to predict their fate. To triumph, or to fall with glory in a glorious cause belongs to the high minded and the brave; but whilst the eagles of Austria and Prussia, and Russia, have been fearlessly displayed in array against France, the Danish lion' has calmly submitted to cower in his den.

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ART.

ART. XI. A Tour through Italy, exhibiting a View of its Scenery, its Antiquities, and its Monuments, particularly as they are objects of Classical Interest and Elucidation. By the Rev. John Chetwode Eustace. 2 vols. 4to. London: Mawman. 1813.

AT Ta time when almost every person who undertakes a journey into foreign parts, thinks it necessary, upon his return, to communicate to the public the difficulties which he has encountered, as well as the impatience with which he has borne them, it is gratifying to us to meet with a traveller, who has directed his attention to subjects more important than dirty inns, sandy roads, and surly postilions. Mr. Eustace had higher objects in view, when he visited a country more calculated than any other, except, perhaps, that of Epaminondas and Pericles, to awaken enthusiasm in a classical mind. Cold indeed must be the heart, and dull the understanding that can contemplate unmoved the Eternal City,' which, in the opinion of Mr. Eustace, has been, in the hands of Providence, the instrument of communicating to Europe, and to a considerable portion of the globe, the three greatest blessings of which human nature is susceptible-civilization, science, and religion.' How far the world has been indebted to the Cæsars or the Popes, we shall have occasion hereafter to inquire; but we readily admit, that while gazing upon the remains of those magnificent edifices, which still adorn the Roman Forum, it requires no extraordinary stretch of imagination, to marshal before us in patriotic array, those venerable magistrates, who, tranquilly seated in their curule chairs, defied the fury of Brennus, and his barbarian hordes; or to hear Cicero declaiming with honest indignation against the vices and insolence of Anthony. Ascending the stairs that lead to the Capitol, the enlightened traveller appears to be treading on sacred ground. All the heroes who illustrated the annals of the republic, rise in succession before him, distinguished by those rude and manly virtues, which he has been taught at an early period of life to regard with a veneration approaching to idolatry. Yet these exalted

feelings will gradually subside, when he reflects that the glory with which they are surrounded, was purchased by the misery and degradation of millions.

True, however, to those impressions of classical taste which he imbibed in youth, Mr. Eustace contemplates the Roman character with enthusiastic delight. This indeed we incline to regard as a pardonable error, and one to which possibly we might never have adverted, had we not felt that, in the actual situation of human affairs, it is our duty to call the attention of our readers to a questiou of the deepest interest to the comfort and prosperity of mankind, viz. the different aspects which war assumes, when carried on from

the

the desolating lust of dominion, or waged in defence of national independence.

Twenty successive years of devastation and slaughter may have led many, who are now acting a distinguished part upon the busy theatre of public affairs, to regard a state of national hostility as the natural condition of man: an opinion the most dangerous that can possibly be entertained, because it tends no less to the subversion of moral order, than to weaken our belief in the benevolence and justice of Providence. Admitting these principles to be founded in reason, no atrocity, which unsatiable ambition can inspire, will want a ready excuse. The unprincipled destruction of Helvetic freedom may then find an apology in the advantage to be derived from the occupation of a strong military position; and even the infamous invasion of Spain be no longer regarded with abhorrence.

But it is time to turn to the publication before us,—we are informed in the preface that Mr. Eustace is a member of the Church of Rome; and it is with pleasure we find him expressing himself upon this occasion with moderation and candour.

Religion, politics, and literature, are the three great objects that employ every mind raised by education above the level of the labourer, or the mechanic; upon them every thinking man must have a decided opinion, and that opinion must occasionally influence his conduct, conversation, and writings. Sincere and undisguised in the belief and profession of the Roman Catholic religion, the author affects not to conceal, because he is not ashamed of, its influence. However unpopular it may be, he is convinced that its evil report is not the result of any inherent defect, but the natural consequence of polemic animosity, of the exaggerations of friends, of the misconceptions of enemies. He acknowledges that the affecting lessons, the holy examples, and the majestic rites of the Catholic Church, made an early impression on his mind; and neither time nor experience, neither reading nor conversation, nor much travelling, have weakened the impression, or diminished his veneration. Yet with this affectionate attachment to the ancient Faith, he presumes not to arraign those who support other systems. Persuaded that their claims to mercy, as well as his own, depend upon sincerity and charity, he leaves them and himself to the disposal of the common Father of all, who, we may humbly hope, will treat our errors and defects with more indulgence than mortals usually shew to each other. In truth, reconciliation and union are the objects of his earnest wishes, of his most fervent prayers; they occupy his thoughts, they employ his pen; and if a stone shall happen to mark the spot where his remains are to repose, that stone shall speak of peace and reconciliation.'-xl, xli.

Sentiments like these are very creditable to any man, whatever be his country, or his creed. That Mr. Eustace's political principles are equally liberal, may be inferred from the following passage: 'The constitution of England actually comprises the excellencies of all the ancient commonwealths, together with the advantages of the best

forms

forms of monarchy; though liable, as all human institutions are, to abuse or decay, yet, like the works of Providence, it contains within itself the means of correction, and the seeds of renovation. Such a system was considered as one of unattainable perfection by Cicero, and by Tacitus pronounced, a vision fair but transient. A scheme of policy that enchanted the sages of antiquity, may surely content the patriot and philosopher of modern days, and the only wish of both must be, that in spite of courtly encroachment and of popular frenzy, it may last for ever.'-xii, xiii.

Mr. Eustace proceeds to inform the reader that the journey was undertaken with Mr. Roche, a young gentleman of fortune, who spared no expense to render it instructive.' At Vienna they met Mr. Cust, now Lord Brownlow, and Mr. Rushbroke, and finding that their views and tastes coincided, agreed to make the tour of Italy together.'

In a preliminary discourse our author enumerates with considerable detail, the different species of information which he deems it essential for a traveller to acquire, before he visits the classic regions of Italy.' That such preparation might tend to increase both his improvement and gratification, we are by no means disposed to deny, the only misfortune is, that it cannot be obtained without a greater sacrifice of time than even men of the most cultivated intellect, or extensive fortune, have either leisure, or inclination to bestow. A familiar acquaintance with the ancient Latin poets and historians will of course have been acquired in schools and universities; but without possessing the language of the nation which he visits, or being versed in its political annals, a man, as Lord Bacon very wisely observes, goeth to school and not to travel.' The knowledge of medals is far less important, and if it is to be procured at the expense of more useful studies, we think it may safely be omitted. A person of taste may also pass through Italy with tolerable advantage, though he never read Aldrich, Scamozzi, or Palladio. Taste and observation will equally suffice to appreciate the genius of Raffaelle and Praxiteles without submitting to the nausea of an anatomical school. We perfectly agree however with Mr. Eustace that the seductions of music are sufficiently captivating not to require preparatory lessons, because an excessive attachment to this attractive art,' often leads to low and dishonourable connections.' The studies of an Englishman ought to be of a more masculine character; he has other and nobler roads to distinction. The nature of the government under which he lives, will, we trust, ever continue to afford to ambition the most glorious objects of pursuit.

From the general tenor of the preliminary discourse, we were induced to expect that Mr. Eustace would have directed his

attention,

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