control, but in 1840 sold out to Joshua Cunningham, of Louisville, who conducted it until 1848, when its publication ceased, after a career of over sixty years.

During the existence of the Kentucky Gazette, political feeling at times ran very high, and the Gazette was no neutral organ in the discussion of the questions which agitated the public. In the Jackson campaigns it was an ardent supporter of old Hickory, and it hurled its political projectiles at the Whigs like battering rams. In 1829 Thomas R. Benning, the editor,

was shot dead on account of intense political excitement and scathing publications in his paper. After his death George J. Trotter became editor. He was a brilliant writer, and during his editorial career the paper wielded a greater influence probably than at any other period of its existence.

The old citizens of Lexington relate many interesting incidents of John Bradford. One will suffice to embellish this sketch. John Bradford and the great statesman Henry Clay, whose home was at Lexington, although usually on opposite sides of the political fence, were socially the warmest friends. Like many of the early citizens of central Kentucky, they were, in their younger days, fond of cards, and in their social games they sometimes bet to excess. One evening, during an interesting game, betting ran unusually high, and when they quit play Clay had won $40,000 from Bradford. The next day Bradford met him, when the following conversation occurred:

"Clay, what are you going to do about that money you won last night? My entire property won't pay the half of it."

"Oh," said Clay, "give me your note for $500, and let the balance go." The note was given, and in a few nights they got into another game, when the fortunes of war changed, and Bradford came out $60,000 winner. When they met next day, nearly the same conversation occurred as on a previous occasion, but Bradford settled it by saying, "Oh, give me back my note for $500, and we'll call it square.'

The second paper in Kentucky and the West was also established at

Lexington. For a number of years after settlements began to be made in Kentucky, Lexington was the metropolis. It was the first capital after the state was admitted into the Union, and was the leading town, not only of Kentucky, but all the Western country. It was the great commercial center, and Cincinnati, Vincennes, St. Louis, and Kaskaskia, for years, did their wholesale buying of goods in its markets. Thus, it became a place of business enterprise and industry. Its second newspaper was started in 1795, three years after Kentucky was admitted as a state into the Federal Union. It was called Stewart's Kentucky Herald, and was established by James H. Stewart. Its publication was continued for about ten years, when it was absorbed by the Bradfords and the Kentucky Gazette.

The Herald was a paper of considerable ability for that early period. It crossed swords with the Gazette, and their contests became often sharp and bitter, and were waged by both sides with hearty and vigorous blows. It finally became apparent to the shrewd and observant Bradford, that the surest way of silencing the enemy's guns, was to capture them. With this end in view, he purchased the Herald and merged it into the Gazette. In 1798 William Hunter established the Kentucky Mirror at Washington, a town situated some four miles from the city of Maysville. In 1799 he established the Palladium in Frankfort, the present capital of the state.

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The papers thus far enumerated comprised the Western press up to the year 1800. Since then it has kept pace with the marvelous march of civilization, and has prospered as the country prospered; and it is no vain boast to say that to-day the press of Kentucky-the first-born of the new confederation of states-is second to that of no state in the Union.

William Henry Perrie

THE LATROBE CORN-STALK COLUMNS

IN THE CAPITOL AT WASHINGTON

In the vestibule of the Capitol at Washington, beneath the office of the Marshal of the Supreme Court, are the only truly American columns in existence. If the student of architecture regrets that this country has not produced any architectural effort of its own he should be referred to this work of Benjamin Henry Latrobe, who succeeded Messrs. Hallet, Hadfield & Hoban as the Capitol architect, and perfected the designs of Dr. Thornton. In a letter of Latrobe's to Thomas Jefferson he refers as follows to his designs: "I have packed up and sent to Richmond, to be forwarded to Monticello, a box containing the model of the columns for the lower vestibule of the senatorial department of the north wing of the Capitol, which is composed of ears of These capitals, during the summer session, obtained me more applause from the members of Congress than all the works of magnitude or difficulty that surround them. They christened them 'corn-cob capitals;' whether for the sake of alliteration I cannot tell, but certainly not very appropriately."

This letter was addressed to Mr. Jefferson, and bears the date of August 28, 1809. Latrobe, not Jefferson, was the designer of the pillars. Many considered the latter to be their parent, because he took such interest in the erection of the Capitol, and is known to have proposed many changes to the architect. Jefferson spoke to Latrobe of the lack of individuality in our public buildings, and asked why he did not conventionalize some of our native vegetation into appropriate columnar designs. Doubtless acting upon this, Latrobe produced the corn-stalk columns which now stand in a somewhat

unnoticed portion of the Capitol. Each column is composed of a cluster of Indian corn-stalks bound together so that the joints of one stalk stand slightly above the preceding one; thus, by the recurrence of the joints in the seven divisions of every stalk, a spiral effect is produced. The capitals are composed of ears of maize with the half-open husks displaying the corn, which in its upright position has been criticised as being too stiff. Whatever the faults of the original pillars may be, they are a bold stride toward forming for ourselves an ornamentation peculiarly in keeping with our new and vigorous government. That our buildings have to be supported by the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian columns, unrelieved by anything of our own conception, is strange, when we consider the independence of the people of the United States. We have given to the Old World our mechanical inventions, the benefits of scientific research, yet we borrow from the East our architectural forms. Mrs. Trollope, in viewing these columns, called them the most beautiful things she saw in primitive America.

GRAMERCY PARK, NEW YORK.

Engine Ashlan

VOL. XVII.-No. 2.-9

THE ORIGIN OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION

A hundred years ago the Federal Constitution was framed in convention at Philadelphia. The causes that led to its formation are of an economic character. In 1787 the relation between the states and the United States was not wholly unlike that which then existed between the East India Company and the native princes of India: the princes enjoyed the forms, the company possessed the powers of government. Until after the treaty of Versailles, Congress was a revolutionary body; it had assumed the forms of government. In response to its suggestion each colony except Rhode Island had "taken up civil government," and had framed a state constitution. The Articles of Confederation, as soon as adopted, became the subject of proposed amendments. Seven states moved amendments early in 1781, of which those of New Jersey proposed to vest in Congress the exclusive power of regulating trade, domestic and foreign; of collecting duties for the general welfare; and of selling the western or crown lands for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the war. But these propositions were rejected. The Confederation remained throughout its existence without the means or the right to resort to the methods of executing its will, such as were exercised by the governments of the separate states.

For the power in government to serve processes upon individuals there can be no substitute. Under the Confederation the United States could not address itself directly to individuals; it reached the individual, if it reached him at all, through the authority of the state of which he was a citizen. The legislatures and governors of thirteen states were the rulers in America from the time of the expulsion of George III. till the inauguration of Washington. With the state governments, Congress seldom had more influence than had the Rajah of Benares with the Governor-General at Calcutta during those romance days of pride and power in the early history of the East India Company. With state authorities Congress kept up a ceaseless correspondence through garrulous committees; the committees were timorous, the governors jealous, and the legislatures unfriendly.

The executive functions which we are accustomed to see performed by a cabinet officer were then performed, somewhat ineffectually, by a committee. John Adams has left an energetic complaint that, "putting the treasury in commission violated every principle of finance." A century