could be abolished as they believed without tumult or scandal; but if not they were instructed by Christ to let them alone, for they are blind leaders of the blind; and by the apostles to obey God rather than men. From the beginning of the world it had always been found that a small proportion of mankind acknowledged the truth, and according to the testimony of Christ himself, the gospel was to be preached to the weak, the few, the despised, and the unlearned; so that it was not surprising that priests and the wise of this world, apprehensive of losing their power, dignity, and other advantages, should not admit the preaching of the truth, or consent to wise and pious changes, unless they were likely to become sources of emolument to themselves. The ancient colleges and monasteries were founded not for the purpose of saying masses, but for the instruction of youth and the support of the poor: and that, even to the time of Augustine and Bernard. These institutions were only appropriated to masses within these three or four hundred years, and for the dead scarcely two hundred. Still they ought to be abolished as errors, even though they could boast of great antiquity. Besides, the very principle on which masses are celebrated is sinful, namely, that they are good works, sacrifices, or satisfactions for sin. It appeared that even to the time of Cyprian, it was the custom to receive the sacrament in both kinds, and that this practice prevails even to the present day in Greece and the eastern churches. It was not therefore their fault if tumult should arise; but they were to be censured, who, to keep up their dignity, their income, and their luxury, continue to obstruct the light of truth, and cruelly wage war against the altars of God. Christ predicted and his apostles experienced that the gospel was a stone of stumbling, and a rock of offence. The Christian rule was neither to regard the madness of the enemy, nor the greatness of the danger. Christ was not silent, though he foresaw the preaching of the gospel would be attended with discord, seditions, and the revolution of kingdoms; nor were his apostles less strenuous in instructing the people, because the wise men of the world detested the very name of the gospel, looking upon it as the firebrand of those disturb ances, schisms, and tumults, which raged amongst the Jews at Jerusalem." The result of these communications was, that though the timid Elector refused to give them a public sanction, he connived at these innovations. The life of Leo X. terminated with the closing year. CHAPTER VI. over the minds of an ignorant populace. Storck imagined he had seen an angel in a vision, who among other things, said he would be elevated to Gabriel's seat, from which Storck supposed that he was to become the head of a new empire. These persons have been usually designated by the term ANABAPTISTS, on account of their denying the validity of infant baptism; a name sufficiently vague and inappropriate, as this sentiment, even if it were acknowledged to be erroneous, cannot with any candor be classed amongst their fanatical opinions. This epithet is deduced from their representing the office of magistracy as subversive of their spiritual liberty, affirming that civil distinctions, such as rank, birth, and opulence confer, ought to be abolished, that Christians may enjoy all things in common; and maintaining that they were favored with visions and revelations from heaven. Although it was one of their principles to explode human science, Mark Subner was a man of some learning, having been a student at the University of Wittemberg. Melancthon, with his characteristic goodness, received and treated him with the utmost hospitality, patiently investigated his pretensions, and scrupulously avoided any precipitancy in his decisions. The state of his mind is obvious from a letter which at this critical juncture he addressed to the Elector. "Your highness is aware of the great and dangerous dissensions about religion which have distracted your city of Zwickau. Some have been imprisoned for their innovations, and three of the leaders have fled hither, two of them ignorant weavers, the third a man of learning. I have heard their statements; and it is astonishing what they relate of themselves as commissioned from heaven to teach; as having a familiar intercourse with God, and able to foresee future events; in a word, as having the authority of prophets and apostles. How much I am struck with this language it is not easy for me to say; but certainly I see great reason not to despise them, for they have many arguments to adduce, and something of an extraordinary spirit about them, but no one can judge so well upon the subject as Martin Luther. For the peace and glory of the church, therefore, he should have an opportunity of examining these men, especially as they appeal to him, The Elector immediately had recourse to his most confidential counsellors, who, being unable to come to a decision, Melancthon continued to urge the necessity of obtaining Luther's sentiments, stating that Storck and his associates had raised disputes concerning the baptism of infants, and had appealed to divine revelations; and that for his own part he could not positively pronounce on the merit of the case. The Elector alleged, that were The Anabaptists-Disturbances of Carlostadt-Luther's_return to Wittemberg-Account of his German version of the Scriptures, he to recall Luther it would endanger his life, and with the assistance of Melancthon and others-Luther's conference advised Melanct hon to avoid disputes with those with Stubner-His letter of apology for stealing Melanethon's MS. copy of his Commentary on the Romans-Extracts from that fanatics; but in the mean time if he knew what Commentary-Progress of the Reformation-Rise of the Sacra- justice required, he was ready to discharge his mental Controversy-Death of Muncer-Melancthon's excursion in Germany-Death of Mosellanus-His Epitaph-Mela.cthon's duty. Spalatine, who was present in the council, introduction to the Landgrave of Hesse-Death of Nesonus-His has recorded these memorable words which the Epitaph-Death of Frederic the Wise-Translated extracts from Melancthon's Funeral Oration-His Epitaph-Luther's MarriageControversy with Erasmus-Melancthon's visits to Nuremberg to found an Academy-Translated extracts of his Oration at the opening of the Institution-Publications. 1522 to 1525. FANATICISM SOON made her unwelcome appearance in this season of religious commotion. In the spring of 1522, Nicholas Storck, Martin Cellarius, and Mark Stubner, who had been for some time engaged with the notorious Muncer in propagating the wildest sentiments at Zwickau, in Misnia, came to Wittemberg. The former was a zealous leader of this enthusiastic band. They had harangued the populace in the church of St. Catharine, and pretending to enjoy visions and inspirations from heaven, acquired a very considerable ascendancy Elector pronounced in a manner that produced the deepest impression upon the whole assembly of ministers and counsellors, and which, he remarks, were expressive of his views to the very last day of his life. "This is a most weighty and difficult affair, which I as a layman do not profess to understand. God has given to me and my brother considerable wealth; but if I could obtain a right understanding of the matter, I declare I would rather take my staff in my hand and quit every thing I possess, than knowingly resist the will of God." Luther, in a letter to Melancthon, expresses himself in a very judicious manner. It was written on the 17th January. In regard to these prophets I cannot approve of your timidity, though you are my superior both in capacity and erudition. In the first place, when they bear record of themselves they ought not to be implicitly believed, but their spirits should be tried, as John admonishes. You know Gamaliel's advice, but I have heard of nothing said or done by them which Satan himself could not imitate. I would have you examine whether they can produce a proof of their commission, for God never sent any one, not even his own Son, who was not either properly called to the office, or authorized by miracles. The ancient prophets were legally appointed; and their mere assertion of being called by a divine revelation is not a sufficient warrant for receiving them, since God did not even speak to Samuel but with the authority of Eli. So much for their public character. You should also examine their private spirit, whether they have experienced spiritual distresses and conflicts with death and hell, and the power of regeneration. If you hear smooth, tranquil, and what they call devout and religious raptures, though they speak of being caught up to the third heavens, do not regard them, while the sign of the Son of Man is wanting, THE CROSS, the only touchstone of Christians, and the sure discerner of spirits." In addition to the uneasiness occasioned by the affair of Storck and his associates, Melancthon was exceedingly afflicted by another untoward circumstance. At the very moment when union amongst themselves, and a vigilant discretion in all their proceedings was of the greatest importance, Carlostadt was guilty of excesses, which were not only disapproved by the other Reformers, but highly prejudicial to their cause. He was heard to say, that he wished to be as great a man and as much thought of as Luther;" for which he was properly reproved by Melancthon, who reminded him, "that such language could only proceed from a spirit of emulation, envy, and pride." So long as he steadily pursued the great object of reforming the church from Popery by sound argument, and firm but Christian conduct, the other Reformers united to assist his efforts; but when motives of vanity, concurring with violence of temper, occasioned his zeal to degenerate into wild-fire and extravagance, they were compelled to discountenance him. But instead of being induced to correct his errors, he instantly aspired to become the leader of a turbulent mobility, whose minds he inflamed by popular harangues, and whom he encouraged to enter the great church of All Saints at Wittemberg, to break the crucifixes and images in pieces, and throw down the altars. Mislead by a strange spirit of infatuation, he began to despise human learning, and to encourage the youths of the University to quit their studies. Yet, with all this perversion of mind and impetuosity of conduct, which no remonstrances could check, it must be admitted that he held some important truths, particularly the real doctrine of the Sacrament, which the Lutherans misunderstood, and which afterwards occasioned violent controversies. And yet, even in maintaining acknowledged truth, his manner of doing it was equally disapproved by the gentle Melancthon and the impetuous Luther. The former, who was never addicted to exaggeration, represents him in a most unamiable light, as "a man of savage disposition, of no genius and learning, or even common sense; as having plotted against the reputation of Luther out of revenge for his opposing his fanatical practices; but at the same time as possessing a very insinuating and plausible exterior, though unable to disguise his violent ambition, passion, and envy, for any long period." The state of Luther's mind during these transactions can be more easily imagined than expressed. Every day increased his anxieties, every occurrence excited fresh alarm. The foundations of that noble structure he had been so actively engaged in erecting seemed to be endangered. What could be done? Was he to remain at a distance from the scene of action at a period when his skill and heroism appeared peculiarly requisite; or could he venture upon incurring the Elector's displeasure by a clandestine and unauthorized return? Restless with increasing impatience he determined to hazard every thing, and at length on the 3d of March, 1522, hastened to Wittemberg. An apology for this proceeding was written to the Elector, pleading the urgent necessity of the case arising out of the existing irregularities; but in two other communications, the one a letter addressed to Melancthon and the other to Amsdorff, he assigns an additional reason for his return, namely, the assistance he wished to obtain from them and others in the translation of the Scriptures into the German language. For the purpose of engaging in this important labor, Luther had devoted the previous summer to the study of Greek and Hebrew. His skill in German is universally admitted. Versions of a very inferior kind had been published at Nuremberg in the years 1477, 1483, 1490, and at Augsburg in 1518, which were not only ill calculated to attract public notice, but interdicted from being read. The gos pels of Matthew and Mark were first published by Luther, then the Epistle to the Romans and the other books in succession, till the whole New Testament was circulated by the month of September. In a letter which Melancthon addressed to the celebrated physician George Sturciad, dated 5th May, 1522, he speaks of the whole version being in the hands of the printers. The essential assistance he rendered in completing the work is likewise apparent, for he states that he had paid particular at tention to the different kinds of money mentioned in the New Testament, and had consulted with many learned men that the version might express them with the utmost accuracy. He begs his correspondent to give his opinion, and to consult Mutianus as being profoundly skilled in the knowledge of Roman antiquities. He entreats him to attend to his application from a regard to the general good, and to do it immediately, because the work was in the press and printing with great expedition. "I wait your reply," he adds, "with the utmost anxiety, and I beseech you for faith, love, and kindness' sake, and every other urgent consideration, not to disappoint us." The difficulties of the undertaking particularly pressed upon Luther when he proceeded to the translation of the Old Testament, but he persevered with indefatigable zeal. Melancthon was deeply engaged in revising this important work for his friend two months previous to his return. The utmost pains were taken to ensure the accoracy of the translation, for a select party of learned men at Wittemberg assembled every day with Luther to revise every sentence; and they have been known to return fourteen successive days, to the reconsideration of a single line or even a word. Each had an appropriate part assigned him according to his peculiar qualification. Luther collated the ancient Latin versions and the Hebrew, Melancthon the Greek original, Cruciger the Chaldee, and other professors the Rabbinical writings. At the request of Luther, Spalatine afforded them every assistance, by sending them specimens from the Elector's collection of gems. The Pentateuch went to press in December, and a second edition of the New Testament appeared at the same time. A version of the Prophets was published in the year 1527, and the other books in succession till the whole laborious task was completed in 1530. Luther states how much he was indebted to his particular friend in writing to Spalatinus. "I translated not only the gospel of John, but the whole New Testament in my Patmos, but Melancthon and I have begun to revise the whole, and by the blessing of God it will prove a noble labor, but your assistance is sometimes requisite to suggest apt words and turns of expression. We wish it to be distinguished for simplicity of style." The whole was republished in a new edition in 1534, which was followed by others in 1541 and 1545. The names of Luther's princi-lation of the holy Scriptures into the vernacular pal coadjutors in this great undertaking ought to be had in everlasting remembrance-PHILIP MELANCTHON, CASPER CRUCIGER, JUSTUS JONAS, JOHN BUGENHAGIUS OF POMERANUS, and MATTHEW AUROGALLUS: the corrector of the press was GEORGE RORARIUS. After completing this translation of the Scriptures into the German language, Bugenhagius annually kept the return of the day on which it was finished, by inviting a select party of friends to his house in order to celebrate so important an achievement. This social meeting was usually designated THE FESTIVAL OF THE TRANSLATION OF THE SCRIP TURES. To the fastidious we must leave it to censure the desire which may probably glow, at least for a moment, in many a bosom, to have been contemporary with these benevolent spirits, to have shared their noble labor, and to have annually participated in their pious convivialities. Never was a festive board more nobly surrounded or more religiously devoted -never did a more splendid occasion of holy triumph present itself. Germany had already hailed her Reformers, heard their discourses, and witnessed their progress with mingled emotions of fear and satisfaction;-already was she deeply indebted to them for a series of disinterested efforts to deliver her from the abject slavery in which superstition and tyranny had combined to chain her down during past ages; but a new obligation of far greater extent was incurred by their furnishing to every man the means of the most direct acquaintance with divine communications through his vernacular language. Nor was the mere accomplishment of this difficult undertaking the only subject of generous exultation to these eminent men, every year and almost every day exhibited great and good effects resulting from their labor. The different parts of this translation," observes Mosheim, vol. iv. page 60, "being successively and gradually spread abroad among the people, produced sudden and almost incredible effects, and extirpated root and branch, the erroneous principles and superstitious doctrines of the church of Rome, from the minds of a prodigious number of persons." friendly seizure and imprisonment at the castle of Wartenberg, by which means, while his sudden disappearance operated to the benefit of the reformed cause, by exasperating the minds of men against the Roman See for a supposed violation of its promise of security, his confinement furnished him with leisure which even had his life been spared, he could not otherwise have enjoyed at such a turbulent moment, for prosecuting the study of original languages, and preparing for the translanguage of Germany. While his enemies and countrymen thought him dead and his particular friends lamented his absence, trembled for his safety, and mourned over the calamitous circumstances in which they became involved, the Providence of God had unexpectedly and at the fittest moment set him about a work in the forests of Thuringia, which was hereafter to gladden the hearts of Germany, and more than any other circumstance to promote the Reformation; and thus, amidst a universal pause of wonder and apprehension, God was mysteriously and secretly operating his own purposes. It was to be expected that the Catholics should endeavor to disparage the version of Luther, and yet Maimbourg confesses it was elegant and very generally read, although Jerome Emser, one of the counsellors of Duke George, of persecuting notoriety, and Cochlæus, attacked it in terms of bitter reproach. The former, under the patronage of his master, published what he called a correct transla tion of the New Testament in opposition to it, and which as it consisted of little else than a republication of Luther's very version almost verbatim, but with a preface of his own, was in reality the highest compliment he could have paid to his antagonist, and the most effectual condemnation of himself. The result however of this animosity was most gratifying to every pious mind. Luther's version was read even in the pages of his adversary; and he expresses himself upon the occasion in language which strikingly illustrates his character, "There is a just judge who will see to this. The best revenge which I can wish for is, that though Luther's NAME is suppressed, and that of his adversary put in its place, yet Luther's BOOK is read, and thus the design of his labors is promoted by his very enemies." This German translation of the Scriptures was proscribed by an edict of Ferdinand, archduke of Austria, the emperor's brother, forbidding the subjects of his imperial majesty to have any copy of it in their possession. The same interdiction extended to all his writings. Several princes issued similar prohibitions, among whom we can feel no surin-prise at discovering Duke George, but with what kind of effect-such as are acquainted with the history of persecution may easily conjecture. Let us pause for a moment to reflect on the wonderful concatenation of a few past events by the visible but efficacious agency of a superintending Providence. Leo X. had issued a Bull against Luther which totally failed of its object; the Pope exasperated at witnessing his own impotency, appealed to Charles V. newly promoted to the empire upon the death of Maximilian I. to inflict exemplary vengeance upon his heretical subject; Charles being under personal obligations to Frederic Elector of Saxony, who had materially assisted his advancement in opposition to his rival Francis I. king of France, was disposed to concede to his wishes by refraining from the publication of a condemnatory edict, but, not to offend the Pope, he resolved to summon Luther to the diet at Worms as a previous and prudential measure:-at Worms he appeared, where he breathed the spirit of an apostle and exhibited the heroism of a martyr; but he was declared an enemy to the holy Roman empire and became instantly exposed to its vengeance. At this crisis Frederic screened him from the storm, by a Soon after his return from the castle of Wartenberg, Luther consented to hold a conference in the presence of Melancthon with some of the chief fanatical pretenders to prophetic inspiration before mentioned. Mark Stubner, Cellarius and another, met the reformer and his friend on this occasion. Stubner related his visions and inspirations to very patient hearers, and when he had finished, Luther coolly replied, "that nothing he had said was supported by the authority of Scripture, but seemed to result from a deluded imagination, or the suggestions of some evil spirit." This enraged Cellarius, who with the voice and gesticulations of a madman, stamping the ground and beating the table, exclaimed against the audacity of Luther for insinuating such things against so divine a person! Stubner, however, was more composed, possibly fancying himself in a tranquil and devout rapture. “Lu ther," says he, "I will give you a proof that I am influenced by the Spirit of God, by revealing your own thoughts. You are at this moment inclining to believe in the truth of my doctrine." The prophet however was mistaken; for Luther afterwards affirmed he was thinking of that sentence, "the Lord rebuke thee, Satan;" and he very soon dismissed them with these words, "The God whom I love and serve will confound your impotent pretensions." They retired full of self-sufficiency, pouring out execrations upon Luther, and promising what mighty things they would do to demonstrate the reality of their commission. They left Wittemberg the same day. A genuine FANATIC is one of the most pitiable objects in creation; a compound of ignorance and enthusiasm. Enflamed with self-importance, he mistakes the conceits of his own disordered imagination for the dictates of inspiration, and fancies his intercourse with the Deity to be of a sublimer nature than that of his inferior fellow mortals. He believes himself gifted above others, destined to move in a higher sphere, to walk in the precincts of heaven, to hold an immediate connection with the Divine Spirit, which elevates him above the laws and ordinances, the instructions and the guidance of Scripture. But sure nothing can be more degrading to reason than such absurdities, nothing more disparaging to religion. The mischief such a person is calculated to do results from this circumstance, that he denominates passion by the sacred name of religion; a passion which, heated to intemperance and kindling into the ardors of rapture, spurns at reason, and substitutes a man's own fancy and good opinion of himself for the true foundation of piety. When such sentiments as these prevail, it is impossible to calculate or to conjecture the monstrous excesses into which they may precipitate the ignorant classes of mankind, who are soon attracted by plausible, however ridiculous, novelties. But genuine religion and wild fanaticism are perfect antipodes; and intelligent persons, of an observing cast of mind, will always look upon the latter as a beacon to warn them away from the dangers attending any deviation from the plain course of scriptural in struction. Should any be disposed to censure the conduct of Melancthon for that extreme leniency which he manifested to Storck and his associates from Zwickau, be it recollected, that though Luther's zeal charged him with undue timidity, a word which both he and historians after him have applied with great incaution, several extenuating circumstances must not be overlooked. Stubner being a man of learning, and probably of some address, and knowing the importance of obtaining, if possible, the influence of Melancthon, probably resorted to every insinuating method to gain his support, disclosing his sentiments only in a very gradual manner. The real goodness and amiable temper for which Melancthon was so remarkable, predisposed him to judge favorably of others, especially if they were professedly in pursuit of truth. He was himself a diligent and patient inquirer. It was a period of religious discovery, and he daily felt that he had much to learn. The very extravagances of these prophets were not more abhorrent to the present views of the reformers, than the tenets of Lutheranism were to the mind of Luther himself at a previous and not very remote period of his life. Every impartial person must perceive, what many transactions hereafter to be recorded will fully prove, that the hesitation of Melancthon in deciding upon new subjects or in difficult cases which seemed to require a promptitude of action, resulted not so much from timidity, as from conscientious scruples of mind. It was not that he feared temporal, but moral consequences; and though Lu ther may be excused in a period when the mind was habitually kept warm and irascible by controversy, for using such an epithet, those who are solicitous of forming a correct idea of him will rather deem it slanderous than descriptive to call him the timid Melancthon. If, after all, his first treatment of Storck and his associates be considered as an unwarrantable excess of candor, his language became more decided as his convictions of their delusion and misconduct increased; and if this be a shade in his character, it is otherwise so bright that the admitted imperfection will not materially obscure it; and the biographer can feel no very powerful temptation where such a splendor of excellence is discernable, to become the labored apologist. Luther, besides many useful tracts of his own, having secretly taken from Melancthon a manuscript Commentary on the Epistle of Paul to the Romans, printed it without his knowledge. It was afterwards published in the year 1540, with a dedication to Philip, landgrave of Hesse. Luther's apology for this proceeding is curious and characteristic. It is prefixed to the Commentary of his friend. "Martin Luther to Philip Melancthon-grace and peace in Christ. "Be angry and sin not: commune with your own heart upon your bed and be still.' I am the person who dares to publish your annotations, and I send you your own work. If you are not pleased with it, it may be all very well, it is sufficient that you please us. If I have done wrong, you are to blame; why did not you publish it yourself? why did you suffer me so often to ask, to insist, to importune you to publish it, and all in vain ?-So much for my apology against you; for you see I am willing to turn thief, and am not afraid of your future accusations or complaints. As to those whom you suspect of being disposed to sneer, I have this to say to them-- Do better !-What the impious Thomists falsely arrogate to their leader, namely, that no one has written better upon St. Paul, I truly affirm of you. Satan himself influences them to boast in this manner concerning their Thomas Aquinas, and to spread his doctrines and his poison far and wide. I know in what sort of spirit and with what correctness of judgment I pronounce this of you. If these famous and mighty men should choose to sneer at my opinion, the consequence belongs to me, not to you. But I wish to vex these scorners more and more; and I say that the commentaries of Jerome and Origen are mere trifles and follies compared to your annotations. what, you will say, is the purpose of aiming to provoke these great men against me? Well-you may be humble if you please, but let me boast for you. Who has ever prohibited persons of great capacity from publishing something better if they can-and thus demonstrating the rashness of my judgment. For my part, I wish we could find out those who could and would publish something better. I threaten you, further, to steal and publish your remarks upon Genesis and the Gospels of Matthew and John, unless you supersede me by bringing them forward. You say, Scripture ought to be read alone and without a commentary; this is right enough if you speak in reference to Jerome, Origen, Thomas Aquinas, and others of the same class, for their commentaries are the mere vehicles of their own notions, rather than the sentiments of Paul, and the doctrine of Christianity; but no one can properly call yours a commentary; it is rather an introduction to the study of Scripture in general, and a guide to the knowledge of Christ: in which it surpasses all the commentaries hitherto published. As to what you plead, that your annotations are not in all respects satisfactory to yourself, it is difficul But proper office is to deliver out of all evil. Jacob, Moses, Daniel, saw him by faith, and John testifies that the Messiah was the Son of God, and constantly present with the patriarchs. In the beginning,' says he, 'was the word, . . . . all things were made by him'-referring to those illustrious victories over the devil which this glorious leader and captain enabled Noah, Abram, Joseph, Moses, Samuel, David, Isaiah, and Jeremiah to obtain. .... "The term oristhentos, which the Greeks explain by another, apodeichthentos, is singularly emphatical, and it refers to the manifestation of the Son of God, as having risen from the dead, and as being possessed of inconceivable power, evinced by nume enough to believe you. But behold I do believe you are not fully satisfied with yourself, nor is this asked or desired of you: we would have Paul maintain his pre-eminence, lest any one should insinuate that Philip is superior or equal to Paul. It is sufficient you are only second to Paul; but we shall not dislike any body for coming still nearer to this great original. We know very well that you are nothing; and we know also that Christ is all and in all, who if he pleases can speak as he did to Balaam by an ass; why then should he not speak by a man?-art thou not a man ?-art thou not a servant of Christ ?-has he not endowed thee with capacity? If thou shouldest choose to improve and enlarge this volume by elegant and learned addi-rous miracles. tions, it will be a grateful service; but in the mean time we are determined to be gratified in spite of you, by possessing ourselves of the sentiments of Paul by your means. If I have offended you by this proceeding, I do not ask pardon; but lay aside your displeasure, by which you will rather give offence to us, and you will have to ask forgiveness. God preserve and prosper you for evermore. Wit temberg, July 29, 1522.' If Luther did not ask pardon for publishing Melancthon's annotations on the Epistle of Paul to the Romans without his consent, the reader will not demand an apology for inserting a few brief extracts from this valuable performance: as a specimen of our reformer's expository method, which in giving a complete view of his character and talents, could not be wholly omitted. “CHAP. I. V. 1.- Paul... ... separated unto the gospel of God.' Here the apostle states the business he was commanded to execute, namely, to preach the gospel. The reader should remember that there is a material difference between the law and the gospel, to which we have already adverted, and of which more will be said in remarking upon the third chapter. The description which he gives of the gospel is, that it is a divine promise communicated in the sacred writings concerning Jesus Christ the Son of God, of the seed of David according to the flesh, declared to be the Son of God with power, through sanctification of the Spirit, and resurrection from the dead; that he is the Messiah or King, by whom deliverance from sin and eternal life are dispensed. This description will be more obvious by noticing the contradistinction between the law and the gospel. The law represents what we are, and what we are required to do. It demands perfect obedience, without providing for the forgiveness of sin, or liberating us from the power of sin and death; but rather arms sin against us, by accusing transgressors, and alarming them with the terrors of death. But the GOSPEL freely promises the remission of sin and deliverance from death, by Jesus the Son of God, who was descended from David according to the prophetic declarations. Paul states this at the outset of his discourse, that we might know his meaning, and distinguish properly between the law and the gospel; as though he had said, 'Paul divinely called to teach the gospel of Christ; not to teach the law or to teach philosophy.' "3, 4.- Concerning the Son Jesus Christ our Lord, &c. In this phrase he opposes the vulgar notions of the Jews, who expected a Messiah that would be-not the Son of God by his own nature, but only a man like the other prophets, though surpassing them in wisdom, virtue, and capacity to obtain and govern the whole world. But the patriarchs and prophets knew their Messiah to be the Son of God, who was at that period their governor and their guide. Jacob said, 'The angel who delivered me out of all evil bless the lads,' speaking of the deliverer whom he knew to be promised, and whose "The verb orizesthai, signifies to be certainly proclaimed; in opposition to the opinions of the Jews, who expected a Messiah to be an extraordinary man indeed, but only a man, distinguished by heroic achievements, and who should bestow riches, but not a new nature and eternal life. But Paul says that this Messiah would be powerful, and would give the Holy Spirit by which new light, justification and eternal life would be dispensed, and the devil vanquished. This he calls a real deliverance, which our forefathers both understood and experienced in the various trials of their faith, their dangers, and their conflicts with Satan and with death. And how much greater is this deliverance than that which some anticipate in the appearance of a Messiah, who like Alexander is to divide kingdoms and provinces amongst his soldiers. "CHAP. V. V. 2.-'We rejoice in hope of the glory of God.' It may be asked, what is the value of justification and deliverance from sin and death, when sin still adheres to us, and we continue obnoxious to death, and all the various afflictions incident to human life? In what respects are Christians happier than others? for Christians are often derided for speaking about deliverance from sin and death, when they are equally with other men exposed to calamities. Saints themselves are often ready to acknowledge their infirmities, and are agitated with doubts whether if God really delighted in them, they should be the subjects of such infirmity; and this is no trifling temptation, because when faith realizes, according to the Scriptures, that God is propitious through Jesus Christ, our weakness expects to see this kindness in some manner visibly displayed. So the Anabaptists despise the doctrine of faith, and affirm that we are to seek for celestial visions; and there are others who dream they have already perfectly obeyed, and are acceptable to God, as having satisfied the claims of his law, and being without sin. "Paul therefore opposes each of these. He administers consolation to those who acknowledge their infirmities, and commands them to rejoice in hope; and to consider that they shall enjoy the glory of eternal life, which though not at present revealed, shall certainly be bestowed. On which account it became them to acquiesce, and not to doubt or despair, though they were at present exposed to infirmities. He directs them to rejoice in hope, that is, they are not to suppose that this perfection of nature and enjoyment is now to be attained, nor are they to expect any new manifestaitons from heaven, but to stand fast in the truth of Scripture, and aim to please God by faith in Christ, considering that a present perfection in this sinful state is not to be expected. "The sentiment therefore is, that although the world, and even our own reason, may determine that we do not yet possess glory, or complete emancipation from sin and death, yet we rejoice, that is, we indulge the hope of that glory with which God |