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above may be said to be standards of potentials largely and it is largely upon this viewpoint that educational sociology should view the study of race development. Perhaps, however, the most important methods of measuring potential development will be found in the studies of race psychology, race heredity and specific mental reactions. The first of these is omitted here for the reason already mentioned. The second provides for a study of inherited traits from generation to generation and with special enphasis upon variation and physical qualities. Such studies correlated with studies of environment will give accurate index of potential development. Hence the studies of the mulatto as urged by Professor Boas are of the utmost importance.
For the present it would appear that the more practical, most urgent, and most important method of study is that of the measurement of mental reactions or the manifestation of mental traits. The scope of such studies is limited only by the known objective methods of mental tests and the means and ability available. This method may be further explained by illustration of results obtained. In a study of school progress and mental tests made by the writer in the schools of Philadelphia the negro children were compared with the white children in the following subjects: Prevailing modes of home and general social environment; prevailing modes of school environment; prevailing modes of school progress, as retardation, elimination, scholarship, deportment, attendance, and relative aptitude; certain tests of intelligence and mental processes, as the Binet tests, tests for perception, association of ideas, controlled association, memory, learning; and the measurement of certain physical qualities. The results of these studies in objective measurement indicate differences in the manifestation of mental traits and intelligence between the white and negro groups to be greater than physical differences. The general conclusions were that as regards potential development, the negro children vary in efficiency inversely as the complexity of the process when compared with the whites, and their efficiency varies inversely as age progresses; that variation in all cases was greater among the negroes than among the whites, the one conforming to multimodal and wide distribution, and the other to the normal curve. A larger study is now being made at the University of Georgia using the same standards in the effort to test the results already offered. Professor Woodworth years ago made some measurement of sense difference in races and lately Professor Pyle of Missouri, Professor Morse of South Carolina, and others have found such measurements practical and resulting in tangible measurements.
Finally if a standard of community efficiency or general social development be desired, a measuring scale of progress may be provided to include the fundamental activities of community life subdivided into practical objective units of study. Thus in the measurement of a rural group, the following twenty heads are practical as a standard for measuring the development of any people or race. Farming efficiency, merchandise and exchange, transportation, communication, finance, organization and cooperation, health and sanitation, social satisfactions, the rural church, the rural school, civic education and effort, publicity and uplift mediums, womanhood, the home and family, rural aesthetics, development of leadership, recognition of leadership, rural values, growth and expansion, and coöperation with government. With such a scale properly subdivided and pro-rated the actual efficiency can be numerically indicated and one group compared impartially with other groups. If a similar measuring scale be desired for the city group, the units of measurements to be subdivided ought to provide for at least the following heads: Administration of government, city planning, public works, public health, sanitation and housing, charities, corrections, safety, public education, financial organization, civic uplift and general social services, private services to the municipality, and services to the adjacent rural communities. Such standards of measurement provide for a somewhat different sort of estimate of development and must be applied before a composite estimate of total development can be had.
In conclusion, certain qualifications should be emphasized. It is very clear that classification and objective measurements are the important considerations; that measurement of race development ought to be made in the same scientific way as other measurements; that inasmuch as there are no agreements either in individuals or groups, the effort should be made to determine the modal measurements. Instead of presuming to pass wholesale judgment upon a race or upon races, this paper submits, on the contrary, the problem of measuring race development as a scientific question upon which there is as yet little final information. In pursuance of the methods suggested two graduate studies are now being pursued at the University of Georgia, the one a study of group characteristics or character and the other a study of potentials as found in mental reactions and school progress. It should be urged that the method of this paper provided originally that the published efforts concerning the negro in this country be classified according to the respective standards of measurement attempted; that detailed references be cited to illustrate the methods suggested; that summaries of results and the present status of knowledge on the subject be attempted; and that the paper be characterized by more completeness of enumeration than by suggestiveness. These tasks themselves constitute a separate study well worth undertaking.
THE YOUNG TURKISH FARCE
IN THREE ACTS
By Khalil A. Totah, A.M.
Act II—BLUNDER SCENE 1-Army.
SCENE 1-Turkification. SCENE 2-Parliament.
SCENE 2-Administration. ACT III—PERDITION
SCENE 1-The Great War.
A paper constitution, French clothes and German guns, to the young Turks, appeared to possess a wand with which to transform Turkey from a nauseating cesspool of all that was rotten into a fresh spring bubbling over with constitutional life. By the mere recital of the formula “Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité” Enver Pasha's troupe managed to get an applause which, however, did not last long. Even the wretched population of Turkey itself was fooled with the rest of the world; but it did not take very long before all eyes were open. The whole thing was a farce and the following scenes will prove it to be such.
Scene 1—The Army
The young Turks staked their salvation on the Army, especially since their present ally, Austria, gobbled up Bosnia and Herzegovina. They aimed at saving the country territorially. As long as they were in possession of territory it seemed to make but little difference to them in what condition it was. The traditions of the Empire were military and they had to be preserved by the new régime at any cost. With fear from without and military instincts for a stimulant, the so-called modernization of the army began.
The most radical innovation was the conscription of non-Moslems. The underlying principle which aimed at unifying and Ottomanizing the conglomerate population was sublime but its application by the Young Turks was ridiculous. A little bit of history mixed with a grain of common sense could have shown the new party its error. It does not require very keen powers of observation to note that the make-up of the Near East is eminently religious. Its temperament, traditions, and whole atmosphere are permeated with religion. The Turkish soldier flung himself fearlessly at his foes in order to defend his Faith. While serving in the Turkish Army the writer marked the significant use of the word "martyr." Officers and men in speaking of a comrade killed in battle used the word “martyred” instead of “killed.” To die in the ranks, with them, was martyrdom. The young Turks exploded this orthodox theory by admitting infidels into the army and thus upset the philosophy of Mohammedan warfare. “Ottomanism” was substituted for religion as a bond, and as an incentive to action, but it stirred neither Jew nor gentile because it stood for nothing tangible. Only a religious wave could lift Turkey in a body and dash it forcibly against a common enemy. As it is the Mohammedan world has lost confidence in the Young Turks which is so clearly proven by the failure of the recent proclamation for a holy war. This new national ideal of “Ottomanism” failed hopelessly to inspire Moslems, Christian and Jew to fight for it, first because it was too novel, abstract and unreal for the half-baked Near East and secondly because of the unfairness of the Young Turks themselves in subordinating the interest of every one else to their own. Their failure in this matter of religion can not be over-emphasized; for the line of demarkation in Turkey is first religious, then racial. As Frederic Bliss aptly points out, the word “religion” is synonymous with
composition,” “make up” and “identity.” In asking
THE JOURNAL OF RACE DEVELOPMENT, VOL. 5, NO. 4, 1915