in quantity of achievement is not doubted, but that the quality of Greek thought has ever been surpassed is entirely problematical. That the estimate passed upon the development of the negro by the white race differs from that passed by the negro race; or that passed by the South from that of the North; or that passed by a native American from that of a foreigner; or even that of one school of scientists from that of another school will not be questioned. The fallacies of false measurement and the desirability of accurate measurement will be pointed out in connection with subsequent suggestions, each of which will of course have its own limitation. Suffice it here to emphasize the importance in attempting to measure race development to determine as nearly as possible the predominating or sum total characteristics which distinguish the race or group from other groups or races; from other periods of its own development; and to compare this ethos or character with the best standards that are most commonly accepted by the best authorities.

Among the fallacies commonly met with in the study and discussion of the negro problem, two may be discussed briefly as specifically important in connection with this presentation. The first fallacy leads both the students and the public to consider all facts relating to negroes as characteristic of all negroes. There are two aspects of this common fallacy which need emphasizing. The first has to do with the student or worker and the second with the public attitude at large. There has been not infrequently a tendency on the part of writers to consider, absolutely, characteristics of the negro without distinguishing different groups or stating the scope to which their assertions might properly apply. Of the unreliability of this something will be said subsequently. On the other hand, efforts and studies. are often limited in their effectiveness because of the haste with which specific problems and conditions are confused by the public with the total problem or with the negro. It is therefore necessary for the student to avoid this fallacy by selecting specific problems and fields for experiment and study in order to reach conclusions just as he does in other broad research or public endeavor. It is also necessary for

the public mind to accept his result without attempting to apply them to conditions with which they are only indirectly related, or without accusing him of gross inaccuracy because he has not portrayed specific conditions of one unit of work true to entirely different units. The student may not select as his work in the laboratory the negroes in certain southern towns and apply his result to the negro race everywhere. But after having selected this field and having made his investigations and defined his usage of the word negro as applying only to that group, he may then give his results as a contribution to the whole subject. Or again, if he desires to make a study of negro children in the schools, he may investigate and portray certain social and home conditions which these children have met. So far as this study is concerned his facts are essential and representative. But this does not mean that he has applied results to all negro homes, or that he has exhausted his field of research here. He may desire to go further and investigate certain more general conditions of the negro children's environment and so report certain groups of representative facts that are essential for his purpose, giving all the while their relation to the whole possible group of facts to be obtained. This does not mean that he applies the facts obtained to the whole group of negroes. Indeed it is essential that he define from time to time the application of his results and note differences in other groups. This, however, does not detract from the essential value of the selected facts which he has been able to find as the necessary basis for this work.

Suppose we apply the principle of the above brief statement to a specific measurement of race development, as found in a concrete study of a large group of negroes, as of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The negroes constitute some 5 per cent of the total population of the city, but are segregated variously in groups so that in certain sections they form from 10 to 40 per cent of the population of these sections. They are further distributed throughout the city in contact with the whites. The total negro community approximates 100,000; the negro population is increasing

more rapidly than the white with a tendency toward new segregations in the city. This increase of negro population has averaged more than 50 per cent for each of the last two decades. Such a large increase is brought about, not by natural increase, but by congregate grouping chiefly of immigrants from nearby Southern States. The composition of the negro population is further widely varied including the majority of the classes of negroes found in the United States. This negro population again has a preponderance of young people between the ages of fifteen and thirty years, with a small number of young people under fifteen years and children under five. The preponderance of females is even more abnormal and the largest excess is between the ages of fifteen and twenty-five years. Furthermore, irregular home and family conditions exist to a large extent; the families are relatively small and irregular; there is only a relatively small average overcrowding but many agravated cases; the negroes have to occupy inferior homes and pay relatively higher rents; they are limited in the scope of their occupations being restricted mostly to general labor and domestic services; while at the same time they often receive less wages than the whites who perform similar work. Living conditions and habits tend to increase the low standard of home life and to limit the products of good constructive living. The negroes own little property, and property owners for the most part are engaged in the same sorts of occupations as non-property owners. Private and social habits, health conditions and crime are such as to involve almost endless difficulties in the progress of the negroes and their relation to the whites about them. all phases of life the negro female is unusually prominent. The church constitutes the basis for a large part of social activities, supplemented by numerous organizations and miscellaneous means of amusement. From every possible standpoint of negro life, conditions are especially difficult for the training of children and for the children themselves. Segregated thus in distinctly different conditions from the larger body of whites their environment may be said to be a separate environment. Other aspects of the social con

In

dition of the negroes are important but cannot be included in a brief summary of the principal facts of population and general environment. These aspects include all the details of physical and social conditions of the negroes and their larger economic, social, and political relation to the whites. Each furnishes in itself a field for special research and this statement shows the further complexity of any selected problem of the negro. What of the results of social and political maladjustment? What of crime and pauperism? What of the details of diet, rest, recreation, sex life, and health? How much depravity really exists? What of heredity, insanity, feeblemindedness and suicide? How far can the causes for conditions be ascertained? Again the entire question of domestic service and efficiency, of race contact and admixture, of the rights and wrongs of discrimination enter largely into the full consideration of the negro in the city. The political aspect itself constitutes a large problem. Again how much is the negro discriminated against by charitable and religious institutions? What social forces from without are active in his behalf? What social forces can be bring to bear from within to give him social control? Such are the questions that suggest themselves almost without number. To answer only a part of these must not be confused with the sum total, nor confused with any broader theoretical consideration of traits, tendencies, both physical and mental. These will come in their place.

What may be termed a second fallacy is the tendency to believe the problems of the negroes can be relegated to certain positions or transferred into certain dimensions at will. While the problem of the negro does involve separate and distinctive principles, thus making it a large and unique problem, it is not, nor can it ever be segregated as an unrelated problem of the commonwealth or society. To assume only immediate and local aspects of the situation does not alter the far-reaching significance of the problems involved. The larger problem of the future is the problem with which the relief of present difficulties should be correlated so far as is possible. This does not mean that the

THE JOURNAL OF RACE DEVELOPMENT, VOL. 5, No. 4, 1915

future can be exactly foretold, but that the study of and public policy toward the problem should be such as to establish certain broad evidences of the ability and equity of the American commonwealth to deal with a problem at once difficult and cosmopolitan.

Before arriving at specific methods of attempted measurement of race conditions another important illustration may be given to show the complexity of the situation, as regards the negro in the United States. Take for example, the question of negro education. Next to the political aspect of the negro problem, and not aside from it, the question of educating the negroes has constituted a basis for the most varied discussions and activities. But such discussions and efforts have rarely been put forth primarily concerning negro education but concerning the more abstract theories relating to the problem of the existence of a race, undeveloped and unassimilated in the midst of an extremely heterogeneous people. The question has been now of individual and national duty, now a question of expediency and possibility, and now a question of social, economic and political relations. Not infrequently the negative aspects have been magnified. It is the problem of the negro: What will he do? What shall be done with him? Should he be educated? Will education develop the race? Should he be educated as the whites are educated? Should he be given a liberal or industrial education? The public aspects of the problem have been naturally the most immediate and important ones; perhaps this is even more true today. This may be well enough, but with the years of discussions and experiences, the problem seems just as unyielding to any definite solution and there is little organized experience or knowledge upon which to base conclusions. The question may be raised as to whether or not it is better to analyze the principles, methods, and means which shall be the basis for reaching the desired ends. The nearest approach which has been made to the kind of education needed to develop the qualities of citizenship and adaptation that are sought, is that included in the general question of negro industrial education. From this it has resulted that negro educa