case. The Commission's Report by no means leaves the Bulgar soldier blameless, but it points out a distinction between the conduct of Bulgaria and that of her allies which is clear enough for all who are still open to conviction.

The actual course of the Balkan allies' war against Turkey, which I shall not trace here in any detail, may be well understood from the following facts. The figures quoted below indicate the losses of Bulgaria, Servia, and Greece in the war against the Turk and their respective gains in territory and population, when, after Bulgaria had exhausted her strength in crushing almost singlehanded the main armies of the common enemy, her allies broke their own treaties with her, incited Rumania to violate the Petersburg protocol and Turkey the treaty of London, and conspired to overwhelm her on all sides in the ignoble war of 1913.

Before the war, the populations and areas of Servia and Greece combined scarcely exceeded the population and area of Bulgaria. Now Servia and Greece are separately Bulgaria's equal, and if Servia is still smaller in area, she exceeds her in population.

These are melancholy figures, but the worst from Bulgaria's point of view is yet to be told, for the war of liberation, which the Balkan nations declared against the Turk and the outcome of which was decided by Bulgarian valor and Bulgarian blood, has ended in subjugating 1,198,000 Bulgars, putting 286,000 under Rumanian, 315,000 under Greek, and 597,000 under Servian rule. That to Bulgaria is the most terrible result of the war: instead of liberating, it has enslaved.

And the enslavement of Macedonia is literal, actual.

Even now, while "heroic little Servia" is fighting for her existence, the Bulgar natives (which before the war formed 80 per cent of the Christian population of Macedonia and composed the bulk of the population in 36 of the 53 towns, and in 2,239 of the 2,704 Macedonian villages) are subjected, in the regions seized by Servia and Greece, to a systematic reign of terror, aiming at suppression of all racial consciousness, the elimination by exile or imprisonment or by other ways more obvious and sinister of the more intelligent natives, the closing of the native schools and churches, the stifling of all ideals and all aspirations-in a word the eventual denationalization of Macedonia.

Every town and village from Uskub to the Kostur villages, and from the Lake of Ochrid to the river Mesta is today the witness of this crucifixion of a liberty-loving people. The native Bulgarian population in the districts seized by Servia and Greece was suffered even by "the unspeakable Turk" to support its own schools; it had 60 secondary schools, 767 primary schools, with 1,197 teachers and 39,257 pupils. These schools were not the result of an alien propaganda, using education as a means to ethnic proselytism, as was the case for the most part with the Greek and Servian schools in Macedonia.

The Servian case in Macedonia is, if anything, even weaker ethnically than the Greek, for whereas the neoHellenizing propaganda is centuries old, the systematic Serbization of the Uskub regions dates only from yesterday. The opening of Serb schools in Macedonia was encouraged by the Porte, just as the spread of Greek schools had been, on the principle of divide et impera. In 1896 Hafiz Pasha, vali of Kossovo, removed from office the kaimakam of Shtip for not using force in opening a Serb school in that town, in which there were no Serb or Greek inhabitants. The native population opposed all the efforts of the vali himself, but if Hafiz Pasha did not succeed in putting a Serb school in Shtip, he dotted the Bulgar districts of Kumanovo, Kotchana, and Kratovo with centers of Servian propaganda. In many cases the schools were without pupils; the Serb school at Egri Palanka had three teachers and one pupil.

Shtip, Kotchana, Kratovo, and Egri Palanka are all under Serb rule today-and the process of their Serbization is directed from Belgrade.

From a thousand examples illustrating similar Greek efforts to suppress the racial consciousness of the native Bulgarian population in Macedonia, only one will be cited. I select the case of Kukush, because the Bulgarian army was charged by Constantine of Greece with the pillage of this town and the massacre of its "Greek" population. Kukush had 10,360 Bulgarian inhabitants, Exarchists, Catholics, or Protestants by religion, including 40 "Serb" proselytes, but no Greeks. Yet government intrigue resulted in the opening by force of a Greek school at Kukush ten years ago, which had four pupils. The Bulgarian secondary school in the Greek-inhabited town of Kostur, however, was closed in spite of the fact that it had more than forty pupils and that it was the center of a village district numbering 57,400 Bulgars against 11,075 Greeks. In the year 1904 the Turkish government, instigated by the Greek patriarchate, refused school-permits to more than 100 Bulgarian villages in the kazas of Enidje-Vardar, Kostur, Voden, Lerin, Monastir, Serres, Zihna, and Salonica.

The Bulgarian schools in Macedonia have been the result of a long, bitter struggle for national life. They are not centers of alien propaganda; they are native schools, supported and taught by natives. In the year 1902, of 1,239 professors and teachers in the Bulgar schools in Macedonia, 4 were foreigners, 15 were Bulgars born in Bulgaria, and 1,220 were Bulgars born in Macedonia. At the same time there were in the schools of free Bulgaria no less than 450 Macedonian-born teachers. Macedonia has sent to Bulgaria all her intelligent sons who could not endure Turkish tyranny. Bulgaria is the natural asylum of those men; they will continue to seek refuge in Bulgaria from the two new reigns of terror, Greek and Servian; they will be Bulgars in Bulgaria, or in America, or wherever they are forced to emigrate, until the day comes when they can be Bulgars in their homeland of Macedonia.

To delay the coming of this day means systematically

to rob Macedonia of all which makes for her progress and culture, to leave in the country only the stolid, brutalized mass, and to perpetuate its brutal stolidity. Whether civilized humanity will allow such a crime to be committed in the Balkans is a matter for speculation. Certain it is that Servia and Greece do not intend to allow the native population of Macedonia to remain intelligent and Bulgar.

The attitude of Greece toward the native Bulgarian population in the Macedonian districts which she occupied has from the very start been the attitude of conquerors, indeed of exterminators. The first move on the part of the Greek authorities was to compel the native Bulgar population to call itself Greek, to declare its loyalty to the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople, and to substitute the Greek for the Bulgar language in its church services. Cajolery, threats of imprisonment, moral and financial pressure, and physical torture were employed in dozens of villages and towns in southern Macedonia. In many places a census was taken, the natives being asked if they were "Greeks or Schismatics," or whether they were Christians, i.e., Greeks. Those who refused to call themselves Greeks were threatened with exile. To be sure, the peasants in the village Grubevtsi, forced to sign a declaration that they were Greeks, had to have the declaration translated into Bulgarian, and unable to sign their names in Greek, were inscribed en masse by a Greek notary public; and in the village of Pilorik, compelled to attend a Greek liturgy in their native church, the Bulgars could not provide a Greek-singing choir, and ten Greek soldiers from Enidje-Vardar had to be imported. But these facts did not check the neo-Hellenizers; their object was to banish the Bulgarian language from school and church. The priest or the teacher who insisted on using the Bulgarian language was imprisoned. In the district of Enidje-Vardar alone the Greeks closed the Bulgar schools and churches in fourteen villages. On March 23, 1913, the priest A. Shishkoff was imprisoned in Kojani for collecting subscriptions to the Bulgarian Red Cross from the Bulgarian Chrupish villagers. On June 4, 1913, six Bulgars of Gurdobor, charged with singing Bulgarian songs, were

subjected to torture. And there are hundreds of other distinct, authenticated instances of such spiritual and physical oppression. All the more intelligent Bulgars were imprisoned or exiled; 2,000 of the representative Bulgars in southern Macedonia were under arrest. It was a crime to speak the Bulgarian language in public and the bulk of the natives knew no other. All this was taking place while Greece was professedly Bulgaria's loyal ally, and while Bulgaria was fighting the common enemy all alone before Tchatalja and Gallipoli. What takes place now that Greece rules these Bulgar lands can well be imagined.

The Servian plan is as terribly simple. As a Macedonian Hamlet put it: "The Bulgar native of Macedonia has two ways open, to be a Serb, or not to be!" But the recital of a thousand harrowing instances cannot possibly be as convincing as the mere quoting from the Servian "decree for public security" adopted on October 4, 1913, setting forth the manner in which the Black George has been governing the "liberated" provinces of Macedonia. The translation is that quoted in the Carnegie Report:

"Any person who uses an explosive without any evil intention, shall be punished by five years' penal servitude (Article 11). Any attempt at rebellion against the public powers is punishable by five years' penal servitude. The decision of the police authorities, published in the respective communes, is sufficient proof of the commission of crime. If the rebel refuses to give himself up as prisoner within ten days from such publication, he may be put to death by any public or military officer (Article 2). Any person accused of rebellion in terms of the police decision and who commits any crime shall be punished with death. If the accused person himself gives himself up as a prisoner into the hands of the authorities, the death penalty shall be commuted to penal servitude for ten to twenty years, always provided that the commutation is approved by the tribunal." (Article 3). The native Macedonians are vicariously punishable, Chinese fashion, for the offences of others. Thus "where several cases of rebellion occur in a commune and the rebels do not return to their homes within ten days from the police