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value to the Latin-American nations, because at a time they were unable to defend themselves against the attacks of foreign powers. This inability of ours to resist the attacks of foreign nations was then largely due to our lack of the spirit of coöperation, a fact well known and characteristic to the Latin races. A fact that is now preventing, in South America, the organization of large political parties. I am pleased to say, however, that we are getting over these drawbacks and that our admiration for the wonderful progress of this country is making us realize that to attain similar progress we need to develop the spirit of coöperation.

But this is a little digression.

In saying that the absolute elimination of the Monroe Doctrine will help very much towards the promotion of a strong union in the South American republics I meant to say that by leaving Latin America absolutely free from this now only apparent protecting shield of the doctrine already mentioned, it will further bring out the need of a Pan-American Union. Let me now briefly state what I consider the most interesting international problems in South America today. As I have said, my idea is that their impartial exposition will be a factor in their solution. As I am a Chilean, and realizing that as such the impartiality of my utterances would be doubted, I will leave out the statement of the differences between Peru, Bolivia and Chile, which, fortunately, are today practically settled in a most satisfactory and dignified manner.

I have before me the exposition of three problems with which to occupy part of the time I have been assigned in this morning's session. These problems are: (1) The relations between Argentine and Brazil; (2) the problem of Paraguay; (3) the problem of Uruguay.


The origin of the differences between these two countries lies in the ancient rivalry between Portugal and Spain, during the time of South American conquest, which was then evidenced by the frequent conflicts between the Spaniards and the Portuguese. For the sake of information, it would be well to state that although Spain, at that time, was always successful in her wars with Portugal, very often the latter nation obtained better results after the differences were settled. So the Portuguese diplomacy was pronounced and it is claimed that the Jesuits were expelled from the Spanish possessions by the workings of this diplomacy. It is obvious that this religious order was in fact the advanced army of the Spanish civilization. Therefore, when Brazil saw the light of its independent life it found itself the possessor of an immense amount of land. Argentine received from Spain smaller territorial rights but with them also obtained from the mother country the hereditary hatred of the Spaniards for the Portuguese.

Although, in fact, the actual cause of the trouble lies in the desire of both nations to control the outlet of the River Plate, which is to Argentine, and would be to Brazil, what the Mississippi River is to this country. Many South American statesmen declare that this issue alone is endangering the independence of Uruguay. But the foreign immigration to Argentine, Uruguay and Brazil and the common sense of the peoples of these countries are extinguishing the prejudices of the past and creating, as I said before, a strong current of international trade, all of which, together with equality of military and naval power, both of Argentine and Brazil, are furnishing a most stable guarantee of peace, and a most solid foundation for the development of a permanent friendship between the two nations.


This problem deals rather with the constant internal unrest of the country, due to foreign influence. This situation had its origin in the war of the Triple Alliance. Paraguay was then not divided among the victorious nations, simply because Argentine thought it to be a good policy to keep it as an independent nation, proclaiming to that effect the then famous and well known doctrine "that victory does not entitle to territorial rights." The present result of this settlement of the war is, as I said, the internal political unrest in Paraguay, as well as in Uruguay. No other example could be given in the history of the world of a more active influence of foreign nations in the internal policies of any country. It has been a known fact for years, that whenever the government of Paraguay is in the hands of a political party agreeable to Argentine, Brazil would help the opposing party morally and financially, allow it to organize its forces in Brazilian territory, and encourage it to overthrow the existing administration. Reverse the circumstances and you will find that a similar process goes on in Argentine with respect to Brazil. But to my knowledge these things have ceased to happen. The South American countries are growing wiser and their present energies are mainly directed to the wonderful development of their inexhaustible natural resources. This is, I think, our greatest blessing, for nations that are busy and intensely preoccupied in the development of their natural resources will never think of diverting their energies and misusing their strength in the ungrateful task of an international


The attitude of the United States towards these questions has been, in the past, far from being definite. To my knowledge it has changed with the changes in the administration. Up to recent years, however, the general policy of the government in Washington has been to treat the South American nations in a fashion similar to that employed in dealing with the countries of Central America. A striking example of this occurred only a few years ago in a proposition between Chile and the United States, better known as the Alsop claim. In that instance, the department of state sent out an ultimatum to the ministry of foreign affairs of my country stating that the American representative in Santiago would be called back to Washington should the question not be settled within ten days. At the time no intelligent person in Chile denied the justice of the claim, but the method of procedure was the thing we objected to. Such an instance as this is liable to develop an ill-feeling between North and South America, but fortunately for us this particular case was satisfactorily settled by arbitration. When these questions of international interest come up in South America, the eyes of the world will always turn to this country to see what it will do, under the circumstances.

As previously stated, I esteem too highly the intelligence and common sense of the Latin-American nations to think that they could not settle their differences without the unwelcome interference of foreign nations. The policy of the present administration, in keeping its hands off Mexico, is commanding the admiration and respect of all the South American continent. Had the United States always proceeded in the same tactful manner, that it is now using with regard to the Mexican situation, there would have been no foundation for the ill-feeling, which to a degree, is still felt in South America towards the United States.

The elimination of misunderstanding between nations is always a most desirable thing. The visits to South America of prominent statesmen, like Hon. Elihu Root, and later of Hon. Wm. J. Bryan, have done much towards the elimination of misunderstandings in the Pan-American continent. Tours of inspection and study of the Latin-American conditions, like the recent tour of the Boston Chamber of Commerce, are also most important factors in eliminating prejudice and modifying the opinions of both American and South American people. The gathering of Pan-American congresses are also doing much towards bringing the nations of the western world into closer touch and last, but not least, the organization of conferences, like the one in which I have the honor of being present, prepare the ground for the thorough understanding by the Latin-American nations of the ideals and purposes of the people of the United States and will hasten the beginning of a second era of genuine American influence in South America.


An Introduction to the Study of Social Evolution. The Prehistoric

Period. By F. STUART CHAPIN, A.M., Ph.D., Head of the
Department of Economics and Sociology, Smith College.

Pp. 306. New York: The Century Company, 1913. This book is a fairly comprehensive summary in small space of various topics of interest to the student of society. It is divided into two principal parts of which the first deals with Organic Evolution and the second with Social Evolution. Part I contains three chapters, the first two of which are strictly biological, while the third deals with The Origin and Antiquity of Man. The character of the subjects dealt with in the remainder of the book will be sufficiently indicated by the chapter titles: Association; The Influences of Physical Environment; Social Heredity; Races and Peoples; Tribal Society; and The Transition from Tribal Society to Civil Society. The book is interestingly written but considering the limited quantity of descriptive material is doubtless over-illustrated as a class guide. Its usefulness is greatly increased by references at the close of each chapter. These references, however, are merely the titles of books and therefore lack definiteness.

While a very serviceable volume for introductory study, and this is all it pretends to be, it does not itself contain more than a third of the matter which a volume as extensive in scope ought to include. It consequently gives an appearance of hastiness in construction and superficiality in treatment. It is not certain, however, that the latter fault can be entirely avoided in an introductory treatment of social evolution. Moreover as the list of chapter headings shows the book lacks continuity and coherency of treatment nor is there any place in the volume where the different factors treated are brought together into consistent relationship. Nevertheless the volume is for the present quite serviceable and raises the hope that a volume along somewhat similar lines may soon appear which will satisfy the very great need for a college textbook on this subject.


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