Boundary Exposition, of International Betrayal in the Sacrifice of the Award of the King of Holland.

Sir J. Graham.-Was there any Discussion on it?

Mr. S.-No, it was presented by Mr. D'Israeli, who gave Lord Palmerston Notice, so as to allow him to be present; but Lord Palmerston absented himself.

Sir J. Graham.-I was not aware of it.

Mr. S. Also, Mr. Thomas Attwood re-echoed those Charges in the House of Commons; but the House would not listen to him, and his Speech was suppressed in all the Papers.

Sir J. Graham.-Well, if you cannot find one Member out of six Hundred to agree with you, it is pretty strong Evidence you are not right.

Mr. S.-Your Objection is strong, and I give it its full Weight. But what is its Effect? Is it that seeing six hundred Members of Parliament opposed to me, I abandon my Convictions? No, I re-examine the Grounds on which they rest. If the Result is Confirmation, I then only know that they do not understand the Matter. On what rests the Faith of Men itself?-That Faith upon which you and I stake our Existence in this World and the next; is it not repudiated by Millions? Do you therefore repudiate it? What Value then is in Numbers?

Sir J. Graham.-Then you are prepared to take one Man's Opinion against the Opinion of the Parliament and of the Nation?

Mr. S.-I take, as I must take, my own Opinion. I judge as a Man who knows he has to act on his own Convictions. Do you think those few Individuals entertaining such Convictions as I now express have not already suffered much, because of these Convictions?

Sir J. Graham.-I believe that to be the Case. There is one of your Friends, with whom I am acquainted, and for

whose Mind and Character I have the highest respect, and I know that he has suffered much, and made great Sacrifices ont his Account.

Mr. S. then entered into several Details, exhibiting the character of Persecution resorted to by the Government.

Sir J. Graham expressed exceeding Surprise, and his inability to believe that it was possible that Attempts could have been made to injure private Character.

Sir J. Graham. But what I want is that Mr. Urquhart should make out a complete Case for the Public.

Mr. S.-Has Mr. Urquhart not done so?

Sir J. Graham.-No, I am not aware that he has. What is there besides the Boundary Exposition?

Mr. S.-His Work on the Affghan Papers, addressed to the Merchants of Glasgow; his own Correspondence with Lord Palmerston, which is the Key to the whole; the Austrian and the Turkish Treaties; the Sulphur Monopoly ; Conversations which have been published at Glasgow, entitled "Diplomacy and Commerce;" a Work published by Mr. Parish, called the "Diplomatic History of Greece,” in which distinct Charges are made out of Embezzlement of the Public Money. There are, besides these, Expositions of the Violation of Public Law in the Affair of Mexico, and the monstrous Transaction of the "Vixen," and these are not all. They are within the reach of any Man who can see, and one Case is perfectly sufficient for any Man who will see. The very existence of Suspicion would be enough for a Nation that was not Insane; add to this, the Conviction of five or six diplomatic Servants, whose Testimony is within your reach, if you choose to take the necessary Steps to obtain it; add to this the growing Suspicions of the Nation - the entire Conviction of every Man, who has applied himself to inquire.

Sir J. Graham.—But I want to see Mr. Urquhart embody all this in one, and affix his Name to it, giving

publicity to it through the Papers, and calling it "Charges of Treason against Lord Palmerston ;" the House of Commons will then attend to it.

Mr. S.-The Members of the House of Commons will only then find another Pretext in lieu of this.

Sir J. Graham.- Well, I know nothing about it, beyond the Boundary, on which I don't agree with Mr. Urquhart. Mr. S.-I now tender you Proof of all that I have asserted.

Sir J. Graham.-You make Lord Palmerston appear almost superhuman.

Mr. S.-He has entered into the great System of Diplomacy, which rules the World, and he must be a very different Man from those Men who content themselves with circulating in the track of Party Agitation. You, Sir, must be conscious that Lord Palmerston is not the idle or frivolous Man that he is represented to be. You must, therefore, suspect that there is something of no ordinary kind under that false Representation; you must be aware that he is possessed of Ability and Assiduity, and that the universal Failure of the Diplomacy of England is not to be attributed to the Weakness of the Man who is Minister. Sir J. Graham.-I will not be Lord Palmerston's Accuser. I will be his Judge, if necessary.

Mr. S.-I humbly, but solemnly, must state to you, that it is your Duty to understand: this Country has been led blindfolded to the very Brink of a Precipice, and this Conntry is so blindfolded by respect for Names like yours. Your high Name, your known Judgment, your recognised great intellectual and moral Worth, have led this Country to place a generous Confidence in you; a Confidence which so far extinguishes its own Faculties. What is the Responsibility impending over your Head? What the Importance attaching to your Thoughts. Mr. Thomas Acland and Mr. William Gladstone, who were applied to from a sense of

their Qualifications, have both declined to investigate the Matter, because they relied on the discrimination of their Leaders. And so it is with every Member of your Party.

Sir J. Graham.-Well, Sir, I have made up my Mind: I cannot be Lord Palmerston's Accuser. I must reserve myself till the Matter comes before me in the House of Commons.

Postscript of a Letter from Mr. S: to Sir James Graham, dated July 22nd, 1840.

"I informed you that Mr. Acland and Mr. William Gladstone, when applied to, to inquire into these Matters, grounded their refusal to do so on a reference to their Leaders.

"I fear that the silent Rejection by Lord Stanley, of an Appeal of a similar Description (and it is superfluous to mention other Names) is connected with the Fallacy, if such Term be not misapplied, by which you justify to yourself your Resolution to remain in Ignorance of your Country's State."

"TO MAINTAIN the independence of Turkey," has been regarded as a maxim, ever since its importance as an independent state was recognized by a great English statesman, and we would consider it superfluous even to say a few words on the subject, had not journals of various political parties lately put forth articles to prove, that the maintenance of the independence of Turkey, is a matter, not only not important, but that its subjugation by, and incorporation with, another European power, would in reality confer political and commercial advantages upon England.

That Europe would be politically benefited they assert, because the only power that could seize upon Turkey, is Russia, and that she, already overgrown and unwieldy, would by this accession of territory, become wholly ungovernable and crumble to pieces, relieving the world by her own act, from the dread of her present power and designs.

Were Turkey composed only of barren wastes, accessible by mountain passes and inhabited by warlike hordes, impatient of the restraints of settled government, then it might be granted, that its incorporation with Russia would weaken that power. But Turkey is the reverse of all this. She is rich in climate and soil, is possessed of 3000 miles of coast, indented with bays affording safe and secure harbourage for ships, and is inhabited by men attached to the peaceful occupations of agriculture and commerce. Russia at present exposes an assailable coast, or frontier, of 2000 miles; but by advancing to Constantinople, she narrows that frontier to ONE LEAGUE,-the Straits of the Dardanelles, defended by an impregnable fortress. In the Black Sea she could accumulate, without the knowledge * Memoir addressedto a Mercantile Association.